Suchergebnisse

Artykuł omawia najczęściej występujące w literaturze przedmiotu style kierowania pracownikami, a także próbuje odpowiedzieć na pytanie o optymalny styl kierowania w sytuacji kryzysu w przedsiębiorstwie. Sytuacja ta jest niezwykle trudna zarówno dla kadry kierowniczej, jak i pracowników. Często decydującą rolę odgrywa tu czas. Dlatego też menedżerowie powinni przyjmować styl kierowania adekwatny do zaistniałej sytuacji. Czasami będzie to styl demokratyczny, zdecydowanie częściej autokratyczny. W opracowaniu zawarto wyniki badań empirycznych przeprowadzonych wśród 138 przedsiębiorstw znajdujących się w kryzysie. ; This article discusses the most common in the literature staff management styles, and tries to answer the question about the optimal management style in a crisis situation in the company. This situation is a very difficult for both managers and employees. Often, time plays a decisive role. Therefore, managers should take the leadership style appropriate to the situation. Sometimes it will be a democratic style, far more autocratic. The paper contains the results of empirical research conducted among 138 companies in crisis situations.

This paper aims to demonstrate the ineptitude of the European Union in implementing action to ensure security of the member states and, in consequence, pursuing effective foreign policy towards states which are indirectly involved in the relationships within the European region. The author argues the proposition through confrontation and interpretation of knowledge conveyed in expert sources. ; This paper aims to demonstrate the ineptitude of the European Union in implementing action to ensure security of the member states and, in consequence, pursuing effective foreign policy towards states which are indirectly involved in the relationships within the European region. The author argues the proposition through confrontation and interpretation of knowledge conveyed in expert sources.

The COVID-19 pandemic is a traumatic experience that, unlike previous crises, affects all countries. A team of researchers from the Warsaw School of Economics undertook a preliminary study of its consequences. The author of the review introduces the assumptions of the monograph, its main goals and structure, and attempts to supplement the proposed research areas with further aspects that may be important from the point of view of political science.

The aim of the paper is to present the model of Polish civil society development in sport, which is based on three phases: the first one consists in creating rules by international organizations; in the second one public authorities introduce legal regulations based on previously developed organizational standards; in turn, the third phase relies on checking to what extent these rules and regulations have been internalized by their addresses. The indicator for measuring the level of development of civil society in sport was the knowledge of the legal concept of doping among members of Polish national teams.

As part of the article, the author presents the advantages and disadvantages of research solutions used during the presidential election in 2010. The decision to choose these elections as an example was dictated, on the one hand, by the fact that the survey on the day of the election was carried out by three companies, and on the other hand, by the fact that different research techniques were used. Moreover, the conducted research is well documented both in the journalism and in the report of Professor Domański's team, and by the author himself, who analyzed this problem in terms of the selection of an appropriate research technique earlier.

The work of Aria heavy metal band in the context of research on contemporary Russian culture The article deals with the meaning of Aria's works in the context of research on the changes in contemporary Russian culture. Interpretation of the message contained in the works was preceded by research into the popularity of the band using the statistics provided by trends. google. The results show the relationship between the message contained in Aria's work and the perception of the world present among his audience. Noticeable in the work of the team, the evolution of individual values through the criticism of egoistic individualism to collectivist values is therefore connected with the state of consciousness present in Russian society and Russian culture of modern times.

The aim of this study is to demonstrate the specificity of the spread of recorded SARS-CoV-2 infections in Poland (five recorded waves, March 2020–March 2022). The data used were those of the Ministry of Health (by communes) and the team of M. Rogalski (2022) by poviats. The data was visualized on maps and charts, looking for spatio-temporal regularities. Infections were found to be more frequent in the northern part of the country and in agglomerations, but there were no correlations with population density, industrial employment or commuting, typical for the spread of infectious diseases. The article is a continuation of the author's earlier research on the so-called first wave of the pandemic in Poland, i.e. the course of its first 100 days (Śleszyński 2020) and 6 months (Śleszyński 2021a), as well as incorporating some of the time-extended results of an expert study done for the Committee on Demographic Sciences of the Polish Academy of Sciences (Śleszyński 2021b).

President's bill on cooperation in local government for local and regional development and on amendments to certain laws presupposes the introduction of new forms of cooperation between local government units. These include associations and committees of local activity, teams of territorial cooperation conventions of the local government delegates at the province. Submitted proposals for new forms of cooperation of local government units should be assessed as interesting and innovative at the same time. Residents of local communities are expected even more than they were a dozen years ago to modernize the infrastructure, increase efforts to protect the environment, ensure public safety and order, as well as to guarantee a stable system of health care and education. Only municipalities that are financially and organizationally strong and that cooperate with each other will be raised by counties to better positions which consequently means development of the whole province. The recently adopted EU budget for 2014-2020 may give us the last such opportunity to use EU funds even further for development of our local and regional communities. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

Main goal of the article was to analyze European Union policy towards "Arab Spring", that started in 2011. Although EU is strongly involved in the Mediterranean region its reaction on situation in North Africa was rather cautious and unclear. It seems that policy-makers of European institutions and its member states did not understand what was really going on. However slowly they took a side of opposition and European Union has undertaken a wide range instruments: political, economic, humanitarian and social. Several initiatives was implemented, such as: Partnership for Democracy and Shared Prosperity with the Mediterranean – PDSP, Support for Partnership, Reform and Inclusive Growth – SPRING, Deauville Initiative. EU policy towards "Arab Spring" is generally called "3 M" – Money, Mobility, Markets. There were also such support undertakings as: bilateral financial aid for South and East Mediterranean states, establishing task forces and observatory teams for elections in Arab countries and sanctions. Despite this actions EU policy towards "Arab Spring" has been evaluated as limited and too slow. It showed clearly what was known for several years: European Union needs to elaborate new and complex strategy towards the Mediterranean region.

W artykule przedstawiono multimedialną grę dydaktyczną I SPY (poz. A2–B1), przeznaczoną dla młodzieży uczącej się kilku europejskich języków obcych, w tym języka polskiego. Polskojęzyczna wersja gry przygotowywana jest obecnie w ramach projektu edukacyjnego, w którym uczestniczy Uniwersytet Łódzki. W części teoretycznej artykułu gra została ukazana jako narzędzie umożliwiające realizację zasad podejścia ludycznego oraz zadaniowego. W części głównej – analitycznej – skoncentrowano się na określeniu przydatności gry w zakresie skłaniania użytkowników języka do podejmowania działań językowych wynikających z wcześniej postawionych zadań. ; The multimedia educational game I SPY is addressed to the A2–B1 level learners of six European languages: English, Dutch, Spanish, German, Romanian, and Polish. The game was created by the international team with the participation of the University of Łódź School of Polish for Foreigners. The authors of the article, and co-creators of Polish version of the game as well, present the game as an effective tool for realization of the assumptions of the ludic and action-oriented approaches to learning and teaching foreign languages. In the main, analytical, part of the article, the authors concentrate on defining the effectiveness of the game in making learners undertake the linguistic activities in order to perform various tasks set in the game.

In recent years, we have seen a wide range of forms of armed conflict, varying in scale, intensity, complexity, and duration, blurring the lines between war and peace. These and other conditions were the reason for undertaking research aimed at identifying scenarios for the development of the international security situation and scenarios for the use of the Polish Armed Forces in relation to threats of a military nature in our country's neighbourhood, in the region, and across the world. With this in mind, while conducting research on the above-mentioned issues, the article focused attention on a research problem which took the form of a question: How does the development of military threats and potential armed conflicts, including the one in Ukraine, affect the shaping of state security? The hypothesis took the form of an assumption that military threats and, consequently, armed conflicts are one of the main determinants of shaping state security. In the face of the threat of an armed conflict, states take actions to ensure their security, in particular, political, organisational, and modernisation activities, and above all, to increase their defence potential in view of war. The research was conducted in military universities, and the general population (N) included research and teaching staff. The research tool was a questionnaire posted on the MS Teams online platform, which is also used to educate students at military universities.

W artykule autorka stawia tezę, że w latach pieriestrojki, a następnie pierwszego etapu istnienia Federacji Rosyjskiej, nie zaistniały warunki gospodarcze, społeczne i polityczne dla budowy demokracji. Przyczyny tego stanu rzeczy autorka upatruje w źle przeprowadzonych reformach ekonomicznych, słabości instytucji systemowych, braku konsensusu elit. Istotny, okazał się wysoki poziom inercji społeczeństwa, zwłaszcza po nieudanych reformach pieriestrojki i rozpadzie państwa. Otoczenie międzynarodowe początkowo wspierało, głównie deklaratywnie pieriestrojkę Gorbaczowa, jednakże w wyniku naruszania standardów demokracji przez Jelcyna i jego ekipę, nie sprzyjało w sposób efektywny, procesom demokratyzacyjnym w tym państwie. ; The author of the article puts forward a thesis that the economic, social and political conditions at the time of perestroika and, then, in the first period of the Russian Federation were not conducive to the emergence of democracy. In the author's opinion, this state of affairs is due to poorly carried out economic reforms, weaknesses of systemic institutions, and the lack of consensus among the elites. High levels of public inertia turned out to be essential as well, especially after the failed perestroika reforms and the collapse of the state. The international environment initially supported Gorbachev's perestroika, albeit mainly verbally. However, after Yeltsin and his team violated democratic standards, this support was ineffective in promoting democratization processes in Russia.

The author of the article puts forward a thesis that the economic, social and political conditions at the time of perestroika and, then, in the first period of the Russian Federation were not conducive to the emergence of democracy. In the author's opinion, this state of affairs is due to poorly carried out economic reforms, weaknesses of systemic institutions, and the lack of consensus among the elites. High levels of public inertia turned out to be essential as well, especially after the failed perestroika reforms and the collapse of the state. The international environment initially supported Gorbachev's perestroika, albeit mainly verbally. However, after Yeltsin and his team violated democratic standards, this support was ineffective in promoting democratization processes in Russia. ; W artykule autorka stawia tezę, że w latach pieriestrojki, a następnie pierwszego etapu istnienia Federacji Rosyjskiej, nie zaistniały warunki gospodarcze, społeczne i polityczne dla budowy demokracji. Przyczyny tego stanu rzeczy autorka upatruje w źle przeprowadzonych reformach ekonomicznych, słabości instytucji systemowych, braku konsensusu elit. Istotny, okazał się wysoki poziom inercji społeczeństwa, zwłaszcza po nieudanych reformach pieriestrojki i rozpadzie państwa. Otoczenie międzynarodowe początkowo wspierało, głównie deklaratywnie pieriestrojkę Gorbaczowa, jednakże w wyniku naruszania standardów demokracji przez Jelcyna i jego ekipę, nie sprzyjało w sposób efektywny, procesom demokratyzacyjnym w tym państwie.

Artykuł dotyczy organizacji życia teatralnego w Polsce po roku 1989. W okresie transformacji ustrojowej nastąpiły zmiany w zakresie funkcjonowania instytucji kultury, w tym i teatrów. Polityka państwa określana jest przez pojęcia decentralizacji czy dewolucji (odejście od monopolu państwowego, przekazywanie instytucji kultury władzom gminnym i samorządom wojewódzkim) i deregulacji (proces odchodzenia od kontroli państwa, ideologiczna niezależność instytucji kultury). Publiczne teatry w Polsce reprezentują model teatru repertuarowego, którego podstawą jest stały zespół aktorski. Wzrasta jednak liczba teatrów niepublicznych (teatry non-profit, zarejestrowane jako stowarzyszenia lub fundacje, nie nastawione na zysk i teatry komercyjne).Theater Policy in Poland after the Political-System TransformationSUMMARYThe article discusses the organization of theatrical life in Poland after 1989. During the political-system transformation there were changes in the operation of cultural institutions, including theaters The State policy is defined by the concepts of decentralization or devolution (departure from State monopoly, handing over of cultural institutions to gmina [commune] authorities or provincial self-governments) and deregulation (the process of departing from State control, ideological independence of cultural institutions ). Public theaters in Poland represent the model of repertory theater based on a permanent team of actors. However, the number of non-public theaters is growing (non-profit theaters registered as associations or foundations, and commercial theaters).