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The article is part of a wider discussion on & the assessment of the global terrorism threat since 2001. Terrorism considered the most dangerous & urgent security threat of today. The text focuses on the three major terrorist attacks in recent history: USA (2001), Madrid (2004) & London (2005). The text examines whether terrorism still remains an indirect strategy in the globalization era. The author analyses the effects of previous terrorist attacks in the assessment of terrorism by politicians, looking at the impact of this assessment on further developments in international relations, both on the regional & global level. The article studies the links between the imminence of a terrorist threat & individual Western countries' approaches to the Islamic world & immigrants coming from this world. The author focuses on global terrorism threat assessment at the theoretical level, introducing the main schools of thought & approaches. Adapted from the source document.

Since the beginning of the second Chechen war, Russia has experienced several shifts in domestic policy. From the very start of his presidency, Vladimir Putin pursued a policy of consolidating power while facing both the external and internal enemy represented by Chechen rebels. As a side effect, this has brought about an outburst of xenophobia and racism that has turned against all Caucasians. The antiterrorist campaign has had broad consequences, even outside the security field. The campaign, which was based on economic arguments, began with attacks on the media tycoons Vladimir Gusinskii and Boris Beresovskii, and was later widened to other selected oligarchs. Another set of changes brought about reforms to almost every aspect of state organization, including everything from the parliamentary electoral system to the local representative elections. Although it had been planned for a long time, the core of the reforms was enacted after the tragedy in Beslan in September 2004.

The relation between the working of democratic systems today and the exploitation of "modern" forms of politically motivated extreme violence, especially the different types of subversive terrorism, has been an object of thorough study and discussion at most varied levels in the course of recent decades, often with contradictory results. This is not a surprise bearing in mind the diversity of bases for such study and discussion, as well as the complexity and changing nature of the subject matter itself, and last but not least, also the deforming impact of different political factors which in many a case predetermined both the horizon of discussions and the character of "politically correct" or at least acceptable conclusions. This does not apply just to decayed political and propagandist writings displaying a remarkable dose of cynicism and lack of shame in serving the interests of power which decided who would be labelled "terrorist" or "freedom fighter", or else. There is a number of scientific works defending the principles and values of democracy which also display apparent effort to a priori exclude raising a particular problem in full in order to prevent any doubt being cast on the purposefulness and justifiability of traditional approaches to and standpoints regarding the assessment of political violence and extremism. At the same time, polemics regarding terrorism had a large impact. Discussions about terrorism changed the way the public felt about both terrorism as a particular category of extremist violence, and politically motivated violence and extremism as such, propagating and reinforcing the view of political violence (acceptance of violent methods of political fight including terrorism) as an utterly undemocratic and anti-democratic behaviour and as a key characteristic of extremism. There is a growing tendency in substantial part of the public in democratic countries today to a priori associate manifestations of extremist orientation with acts of politically motivated violence, and to identify ...

7 Model protidžihádistického vigilantismu v kyberprostoru7.1 Konceptuální a kauzální struktura; 7.2 Matematická a logická struktura; 7.2.1 Demografický segment; 7.2.2 Radikalizační segment; 7.2.3 Segment generující teroristické útoky; 7.2.4 Segment generující oběti teroristických útoků; 7.2.5 Segment generující viditelnost džihádismu; 7.2.6 Segment soupeření v kyberprostoru; 7.2.7 V igilantistický segment; 7.2.8 Segment svobody a bezpečnosti v kyberprostoru; 7.3 Výsledky simulací; 7.3.1 Replikace historie; 7.3.2 Bez eskalace řízeného terorismu; 7.3.3 Bez vigilantismu v kyberprostoru

This study analyses the causes of the fall of the Chechen state after its de facto independence (1996-1999) following the so-called First Russian-Chechen War (1994-1996). The failed incursion of the (predominantly Wahhabi) Chechen-Dagestani guerillas in Dagestan (August 1999), designed to inflame a regional rebellion against Russia, resulted in the current Second Russian-Chechen War. The Chechen state's failure was mainly caused by internal factors, primarily the 'clanish' division of Chechen society & customary legal norms (eg., blood feuds), but also the spread of political Islam & the expansion of North Caucasian Wahhabism. Considering recent attempts to extend the conflict over Chechnya's borders, this field continues to be of immense import. In Dagestan, Ingushetia, Kabardino-Balkaria & elsewhere, processes similar to those being studied may be better understood following this study. Adapted from the source document.

At the beginning of the 21st century Europe needs to address terrorist threats more than ever. Both the EU member states & the EU institutions are adopting a whole range of measures to prevent & to fight terrorism. Nevertheless, some of these measures endanger human rights & freedoms. Paradoxically, efforts to enhance security of state could therefore decrease the security of individuals. This article uses the concept of securitization to analyze this process, & attempts to answer the question as to what extent the securitization of terrorism is taking place in the EU. This is done by analyzing some counter-terrorist measures & their perception by the general public. In an extreme case, an intensive securitization could transform current liberal democracies into post-democracies. Adapted from the source document.

The Czech economy has been characterized by a rapidly increasing external income balance deficit since 1998, which was caused by an increasing outflow of FDI earnings. The paper analyses factors, which determine the total amount of FDI earnings in a host economy & their subsequent division into reinvested earnings & repatriated profits. Three main factors are examined: total FDI stock in the economy & its structure, the FDI rate of return & the FDI financial life cycle. Growing total FDI stock, which reaches 51% of Czech GDP, is the most influential factor because the FDI rate of return has been approximately stable exceeding 10%. An outstanding amount of reinvested earnings in the Czech economy negatively influences the current account deficit, which exceeds the GDP 5% benchmark rate, although reinvested earnings do not represent actual financial outflows. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.

This article deals with the nexus between organized crime and terrorism in the region of post-Soviet Chechnya, and the primary goal is to show the connection between the phenomenon of organized crime and non-state armed actors who are generally labelled as terrorists. As a framework for the analysis, we chose the 'Crime-Terror Nexus' typology of Tamara Makarenko. As organized crime and terrorism are interconnected in Chechnya, the organized crime groups in post-Soviet Chechnya usually employ terrorist tactics (and vice versa) for operational purposes. However, in some periods we can find examples of a strong convergence in which criminal and terrorist organizations could merge into a single entity that initially displays characteristics of both types of groups simultaneously. The article also shows that it is very difficult to categorize some Chechen actors, especially those involved in terrorist activities. Adapted from the source document.

This article deals with contemporary trends within research on extremism research in Germany. Institutionalization of this research in structures of political science is described, including the international impact of this research, with specific attention paid to the situation in East Central Europe. Next, the article analyzes development within the so-called 'theory of extremism,' including new concepts elaborated by scholars (soft and hard extremism, etc.) and developments dealing with the interconnection with terrorism research. Use of results of extremism research by governmental and international institutions is identified. Finally, criticism of the concept of extremism is presented, including criticism of the concept's politicization. Adapted from the source document.

The Concept of the Political is the first book by Carl Schmitt translated & published in the Czech Republic. As such it deserves a treatise that would put it into the larger context of Schmitt's life & work, which is the aim of this review essay. Therefore key concepts (not only) from The Concept of the Political are explained. The essay also goes beyond the classical labeling of Schmitt as realist & focuses also on his more general critique of modernity & of the technological thought characteristic of our epoch. This way we can better understand why Schmitt fascinates the contemporary left as well as right. It also shows his relevance to many current discussions, for example those concerning the War on Terror. How shall we classify Guantanamo? As an example par excellence of a decision of a sovereign in exceptional circumstances, or as a result of the depoliticisation of the political? This essay, however, does not give a specific answer to this question. Rather, it is intended as an introduction of this "Schmittian" debate to the Czech academic milieu. Adapted from the source document.