International audience ; Si le terme « terrorisme » renvoie à l'un des paradigmes les plus évoqués pour définir les problématiques de sécurité des États à l'échelle nationale et internationale, force est de constater que sa définition reste toujours aussi délicate sur le plan épistémologique, juridique et politique. Le terrorisme représente un objet d'analyse si hétérogène qu'il donne lieu à des spéculations, voire à des impasses analytiques (Derrida et Habermas : 2004).
International audience ; Si le terme « terrorisme » renvoie à l'un des paradigmes les plus évoqués pour définir les problématiques de sécurité des États à l'échelle nationale et internationale, force est de constater que sa définition reste toujours aussi délicate sur le plan épistémologique, juridique et politique. Le terrorisme représente un objet d'analyse si hétérogène qu'il donne lieu à des spéculations, voire à des impasses analytiques (Derrida et Habermas : 2004).
The events of September 11, 2001 drastically altered the political climate in North America. The atmosphere of fear, mainly instilled by the hegemonic influence of American mass media outlets and government, allowed the Canadian government to take advantage of citizen unease and pass controversial legislation, such as the Anti-Terrorism Act (2001) and the Combating Terrorism Act (2013). This critical analysis attempts to divulge into the root meaning of "terror†in order to unpack the motivations of terrorism, and understand how it really operates. Particular attention is placed on the role of the media and the Canadian and American governments in instilling a psychological phenomenon of terror into society. This article seeks to answer whether terrorism poses any real threat to North Americans, and whether the legislation passed by the Canadian government stands up to the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and democracy itself.
International terrorism is a relatively new phenomenon considering the age of terrorism. Terrorism has been used for over 2,000 years, but international terrorism as we know it today was made possible by technological advances. This entry begins by reviewing pivotal historical events that led to terrorism's use, as well as the underlying reasons for terrorism today. The article then discusses the influence of political stability and culture on international terrorism. Finally, a brief discussion of counter-terrorism strategies highlights the means by which terrorism is prevented.
Terrorism is the premeditated use of violence or intimidation by individuals or groups to obtain a political or religious objective. Food terrorism is an intentional contamination of the food intended to inflict harm, cause illness death, or produce mass food poisoning. It is an old concept that uses food as a weapon of attack. The main terrorists can resort to food terrorism. Their intention is to injure members of the population at large. This paper provides a brief introduction to food terrorism. Matthew N. O. Sadiku | Sarhan M. Musa | Tolulope J. Ashaolu "Food Terrorism" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-3 | Issue-4 , June 2019, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd23642.pdf
When one speaks of terrorism it is nor always dear just what one has in mind. The term has no precise and completely accepted definition. Some countries label those who engage in violent acts against them as ''terrorists.·• Freedom fighters rarely label them• selves in such a way, but they often claim they are subjected to governmental terror. "In short, the definition of terrorism seems to depend on point of view-it is what the 'bad guys' do.''1
In: Miller , D 2017 , Religious terrorism, radicalisation and the causes of terrorism . in The Cambridge Companion to Religion and Terrorism . Cambridge University Press , UK , pp. 46-68 .
What causes terrorism and how can it be prevented? This is one of the great political questions of our time and over the last decade and a half, considerable resources have been allocated not only to state counter-terrorism programmes, but also to research which might shed some light on this question and inform counter-terrorism policies and practices. Terrorism experts have explored a host of possible causes. Low levels of education, economic and financial crisis, globalisation, inequality, occupation, political repression, poverty, psychopathy and state failure; these are just some of the factors examined in the literature, which tends to emphasise the multiplicity of causes and the complexity of the issue. But whilst terrorism experts seem collectively unable to reach any firm conclusions as to the most significant causes of their object of study, the policy agenda, to which they largely orientate themselves, has focused increasingly on Muslims; and, with the usual disclaimers, the experts have followed. ISLAM AND TERRORISM Though political elites rarely refer to Islam per se as a principle cause of terrorism – a claim which though not uncommon is largely restricted to fringe movements – it is nevertheless widely assumed in policy circles that some extreme version of Islam has been a major driving force behind contemporary terrorism. Islamism, Political Islam, Wahhabism and Salafism are a few of the usual suspects appearing in policy pronouncements and the terrorism studies literature, along with more vague references to Islamic extremism, fundamentalism, radicalism and so on. So whilst Islam is routinely lauded as a religion of peace, and ordinary or moderate Muslims are usually invoked in distinction to the terrorists, radicals and extremists, contemporary political violence is still overwhelmingly seen as basically a Muslim problem, and it is largely Muslims who are targeted by counter-terrorism policies and practices. This may seems defensible, even sensible at a surface level. After all, evidence can be produced that suggests that Muslim groups are responsible for the majority of contemporary global non-state political violence. Consider, for example, the figures in the 2014 Global Terrorism Index, published by the Institute for Economics and Peace.
The article dwells on the problem of the definition of terrorism. This term, though usually commonly understandable, is a legal term, the definition of which is not yet universally adopted. The threat of terrorism, taking upon different forms, is always relevant and the efforts to contain it continue. Thus the definition of the phenomenon and its elements is crucial in such efforts. The analysis is relevant as internationally this term is still not defined in one universal legally binding document and there are questions on its exact scope. The article explains two elements that are usually considered essential in defining terrorism. Furthermore, the article dwells on the EU efforts to contain the threat and in particular on its efforts to prevent terrorism – that is, actions taken to counter terrorist radicalisation.
One of the desired effects of the Madrid bombing seems to have been to splinter the Western alliance. The allies must see through the trap, acknowledge mistakes, produce a stricter definition of the threat of terrorism and create a new strategy for fighting its sources. The aftermath of the Madrid attacks showed that the US and its European allies are deeply divided over the role of Iraq in the war on Islamic terrorism. European mass opinion –unlike America's– sees the two as completely separate problems and America's actions as counterproductive to the war on terror. To keep differences over Iraq from ungluing the Western coalition, it is important to restate the definition of causes and nature of terrorism and to agree on basic principles. The outlines of continued cooperation are clear: the US and Europe share the sense that Islamist terrorism represents a potentially catastrophic threat, they cooperate closely on stopping the spread of weapons of mass destruction and they are willing to go to great lengths –including the use of military force– to prevent future attacks.
This article explores religious terrorism, a concept that has received a lot of attention from academics and the international community. It briefly looks at the definitions of terrorism and religious terrorism, in order to give clarity to the rest of the article. The article presents two sides of a debate. One side is that religious terrorism is in fact a unique and separate phenomenon. The other side is that "religious terrorism" is not fundamentally different from terrorism, and rather is a misrepresentative term made up by academics in the West in order to further their political agenda. The authors argue that even if some people to justify violent acts use religion, nevertheless the basic tenets of most religions are peace and tolerance. Religion has the potential to prevent, mediate, and resolve conflict, as well as heal and reconcile after violence has occurred. In order to counter terrorism, religious leaders need to work tirelessly around the world to uphold the peaceful aspects of religion.
This study examines policy tools in the fight against terrorism when existing levels of terrorism matter in 53 African countries for the period 1998-2012. The empirical evidence is based on contemporary, non-contemporary and Instrumental Variable Quantile regressions (QR) which enable the investigation throughout the conditional distributions of domestic, transnational and total terrorism dynamics. The following findings are established. First, counterterrorism policy instruments of inclusive human development and military expenditure further fuel terrorim. Second, political stability negatively affects terrorism with a negative threshold effect. Political stability estimates are consistently significant with increasing negative magnitudes throughout the conditional distributions of domestic and total terrorism. Policy implications are discussed.
In this paper, we develop and explore the implications of an economic model that links the incidence of terrorism in a country to the economic circumstances facing that country. We briefly sketch out a theory, in the spirit of Tornell (1998), that describes terrorist activities as being initiated by groups that are unhappy with the current economic status quo, yet unable to bring about drastic political and institutional changes that can improve their situation. Such groups with limited access to opportunity may find it rational to engage in terrorist activities. The result is then a pattern of reduced economic activity and increased terrorism. In contrast, an alternative environment can emerge where access to economic resources is more abundant and terrorism is reduced. Our empirical results are consistent with the theory. We find that for democratic, high income countries, economic contractions (i.e. recessions) can provide the spark for increased probabilities of terrorist activities.
Whether or not the realm of terrorism has significantly transformed in the past three decades is one of major debates in the field of political violence today. Proponents of new terrorism argue that current terrorists are more religious inspired and lethal, depend less on state's support and have changed their nature in term of organizational structure. On the other hand, some refuse the idea of new terrorism and, instead, argue that there is only continuity regarding terrorist acts. This paper attempts to clarify the debates through a historical investigation within the history of terrorism and it reveals that characteristics brought by the concept of new terrorism are valid to describe the current status of terrorism. However, by looking at some evidences in terrorism history, this paper also found out that those features are less unique to terrorism operatives nowadays due to the fact that perpetrators' activities in the past have similar attributes.
