Suchergebnisse

Using research on Toulouse, this article explores the limits of 'statuomania' in a major French city that was dominated by a strongly republican municipality, keen to testify to its principles. It looks at the alternative strategies that were adopted alongside efforts to achieve republican statues, and at the distinction between republican spectacles and republican monuments, suggesting that street names offered an ideal, cheap and effective mechanism for the 'republicanization' of public space. Nonetheless, there were problems. Street names also serve to underline the importance of the local dimension: republican homogeneity in terms of provincial street names has been overstated. There are European History Quarterly Copyright © 2004 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi (www.sagepublications.com), Vol. 34(2), 265– also questions to be raised about the issue of government aid for statue-building projects. Was the opportunist leadership unwilling to back a municipal council committed to a radical version of the Republic as well as being the declared enemy of the Toulousain Minister of the Interior, Ernest Constans?

II est admis que l'un des grands bouleversements advenus dans les sociétés du passé est la baisse de la fécondité à la fin du XIXe siècle et au début du XXe siècle, et pourtant nous ignorons presque tout des antécédents immédiats de la transition de la fécondité pour l'Angleterre. Cet article, qui emploie la reconstitution des families, examine les structures de la fécondité légitime dans trois paroisses rurales contiguës du comté de Kent, pour la période 1800–1880, a travers une analyse graphique des âges au mariage, des taux de fécondité légitime, des niveaux de fécondité naturelle et des indices visibles de limitation des naissances. Ces résultats contestent dans bien des cas les connaissances démographiques courantes. Ils suggèrent que, pour la campagne anglaise, le régime de fécondité naturelle n'était pas aussi homogène que Ton croyait et que le déclenchement de la transition démographique doit être avancé des années 1870 aux années 1830. Ce travail ne conteste pas la réalite d'un changement démographique rapide à partir des années 1880, mais il suggère que l'idée commune d'un changement de mentalité et de comportement brutal dans les années 1880 doit être repensée.

The time seemed propitious for the establishment of a government of law in Serbia at the beginning of 1830. Between the end of 1828 and the autumn of 1830 Prince Miloš of Serbia created a so-called "legislative commission" to translate the Code Napoléon into Serbian and codify the laws and customs of the country. In January 1830 he solemnly advised a great national assembly that he had obtained an imperial edict from the Sultan ending all direct obligations of Serbian peasants to their former Turkish lords, guaranteeing Ottoman recognition of Serbian autonomy in most matters of internal administration, and offering Serbia the prospect of territorial aggrandizement, as well as the express right to institute schools, courts, and a governmental administration of her own. Shortly thereafter the Serbian envoys to St. Petersburg returned to Serbia and made it known that the Tsar-Protector had supposedly expressed the view that every state should have an "organic charter". The able and enlightened Count Paul Kiselev, Russian Governor of the Rumanian principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, had moreover just endowed these provinces with "Organic Statutes"

The SCM -- The "whys" of SCM's women leaders -- SCM committee women -- SCM general and assistant general secretaries -- Introducing the traveling secretary -- The ministry of the traveling secretary -- SCM short and long term pioneers -- SCM targeted student group pioneers -- Scm "warp and woof" pioneers -- SCM conference speakers -- SCM ecumenical pioneers -- SCM intellectual pioneers (biblical criticism and the social sciences) -- SCM social gospel pioneers -- SCM woman's movement pioneers (definition and causes) -- SCM woman's movement pioneers (benefits) -- Final thoughts

This well-argued and richly-detailed book concludes that the working-class radical movement was never able to prove a serious challenge to the stability of the British state; and, in fact, achieved very little in these years, except when operating in conjunction with the political movements and organizations of the middle class.