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Neoliberal institutionalism, developed by Robert Keohane, & liberal theory of international relations elaborated by Andrew Moravcsik, nowadays represent two grand International Relations (IR) theories drawing on liberalism as one of the main theoretical approaches in this discipline. However, Keohane conceived of neoliberal institutionalism as a synthesis of realism & liberalism & Moravcsik proceeds from a specific understanding of liberalism & defines liberalism by the criteria of empirical social science. This essay examines, therefore, whether neoliberal institutionalism & liberal theory indeed involve & assemble together the main ideas of liberalism. The perspective applied in the essay is based on the intellectual history of liberalism and, in this way, regards the assumptions about the most fundamental actor in international relations & about the evolution of international relations as the intellectual core of liberalism. According to liberalism, individuals & collective social actors constituted by individuals (social & bureaucratic groups) are the most fundamental actors in international relations & international relations undergo transformation, in the course of which cooperation gradually prevails over conflict. Neoliberal institutionalism considers the state to be the most fundamental actor in international relations & assumes that the nature of international relations transforms & they acquire a more cooperative character. Liberal theory claims that individuals & social groups are the most fundamental actors & that international relations undergo transformation that is marked by the growth of cooperation. Consequently, whereas neoliberal institutionalism involves the intellectual core of liberalism only to some extent, liberal theory implies that there is a grand theory that subsumes the main ideas of liberalism. Adapted from the source document.

The book by Premysl Macha Small Flame in the Mountains, Fire in the Lowlands. Indian Uprising in the Mexican Chiapas describes the development of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN). Czech political scientist P. Macha used to be an uncritical supporter of the uprising in the south of Mexico, but today he finds some problems in the activities of the EZLN. The book analyzes in detail the roots & history of this guerilla struggle. However, the success of the Zapatista propaganda among intellectuals in Western countries could have been given more critical attention. Nevertheless, it is the best work about the EZLN in the Czech language. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper examines two rules concerning translation right as a part of copyright -- the existing rule which gives an author or a copyright owner control over the translation of his works and a new rule that removes the translation right from the copyright owner. It adopts the approach of Gordon (1992) and evaluates these rules using the concept of asymmetric market failure and a game-theoretic framework. In each case, conditions are stated -- mostly related to the cost of creation and translation -- under which one rule or the other is more efficient. A short remark on protection of authors' "trademark" is added. The conclusions should be relevant for political discussion over the extent of intellectual property protection. Adapted from the source document.

The term crisis is commonly used in intellectual rhetoric, in scientific articles, by people in everyday contexts, and especially in public speeches by politicians. Since references to crisis (rhetoric of crisis) have a particular resonance in the political sphere, a better understanding of this concept is much needed. The aim of this article is to bring the term crisis into the context of political theory. This will be done via reference to the works of Carl Schmitt, Michael Walzer and Classical Realists such as Hans Morgenthau and Michael Williams. The term crisis will be characterized as part of an illocutionary speech act which signifies "politicization"; this means moving an issue from its "ordinary sphere" to the political sphere. On the basis of this contextualization, several models of crisis in the political sphere will be constructed. Adapted from the source document.

While Marek Louzek has drawn attention to several issues important for International Relations (IR), his conclusions are highly controversial. In his identification of the basic theoretical approaches to international relations, Louzek disregards liberalism & radicalism, which, alongside the realism identified by Louzek, constitute the three basic approaches in IR. Louzek also inaccurately defines, & rather overestimates, the general significance of public choice theory (PCT) as a possible perspective on international relations & European integration. In this context, the real intellectual core of PCT does not lie in an emphasis on the role of individuals, as Louzek claims, but on the role of social groups. Moreover, a large number of other theories, both in IR & European Studies, emphasize the importance of social groups. Finally, Louzek's explanation of the EU's Eastern enlargement based on PCT lacks a well-developed methodology, has a narrow scope, & subsequently fails to convince. Adapted from the source document.

Relationship between European Union & The People's Republic of China declared in 2003 as the "strategic partnership" attracts attention as a new & remarkable phenomenon within post-bipolar international framework. This article reviews essentials & motives of both partners' mutual & deepening relations by pointing at their growing economic interdependence, upgrading political relations, & further developing their cultural, science & technology, academic, environmental etc. cooperation. However, while critically analyzing EU-China basic agenda of the strategic partnership & its real outcomes, this article points at poor Chinese human rights record, persistence of EU arms embargo, mutual trade disputes, Chinese failure at obtaining the EU's Market Economy Status, as well as insufficient intellectual property & trade mark protection in China. This study concludes with finding an attaining the real EU-China strategic partnership questionable, considering that as a mere term of official-level politeness, lacking behind expectations & potential. Adapted from the source document.

This article aims to tease out the transformation of communist identity and the sense of legitimacy within the ruling parties of the Eastern Bloc (particularly Poland, Czechoslovakia and the GDR) in 1956. It explores how communist identity was negotiated and reshaped beyond the highest level of party leadership and prominent communist intellectuals and how ordinary party members perceived this ideological turnabout. It seeks to demonstrate how the sense of belonging was articulated in the reflection of the parties' recent past by ordinary party members on a local level: functionaries, apparatchiks, propagandists and local party historians. In the aftermath of 1956, communist and working class identities were seriously challenged by renewed national, ethnic, confessional or regional identities in a steady process of exclusion and inclusion. Examining the de-Stalinization "from below", the study concludes that despite the earthquake-like ideological upheavals a new form of identity emerged among the parties' rank-and-file that, centered around the parties as an imperfect yet heroic collective, secured the sense of legitimacy for the decades to come.

Being a part of the social world, international law is not closed nor isolated system -- on the contrary, it is in an intimate interaction with international relations & politics. Richard Falk, Professor of International Law, taught for example at the Princeton University & presently at the University of California, Santa Barbara. He is interested in the connections between IL & IR & is a prolific writer on this topic. Two of his last books, The costs of War -- International Law, the UN & World Order After Iraq (2008) & Achieving Human Rights (2009) are reviewed in this essay in highly critical manner. In the essay, Falk's normative inquiry into the legal & political developments is contrasted with the latest discussions in both the International Law & International Relations. In the review essay, Falk is criticized for his unconvincing criticism of the US foreign policy, for his intellectual shortcuts & excessive idealism. However, very interesting & significant parts of both books are emphasized & Falk's books are considered to be worth reading. His insight into the international legal problems & into the developments of human rights is outstanding. Adapted from the source document.

The paper focuses on the Latin American perspective on modernity, especially on the Peruvian sociologist Anibal Quijano's notion of coloniality. Coloniality is explained as a theoret- ical framework for critical reflection of modernity with an emphasis on the forms of knowledge (episteme) and on non-Western, more specifically Latin American historical experiences and perspectives. The aim is to introduce some Latin American efforts to critically understand coloniality as the other face of modernity and to develop a distinctive critique of capitalism, globalisation and Eurocentrism in their historical dynamics, In the first part, the paper briefly introduces Latin America as a geocultural place and a object of social research in a historical perspective. Special attention is paid to the question of racial classification and authenticity. In the second part, the paper focuses on the notion of coloniality as it was conceptualised by A. Quijano and by other Latin American authors. In the third and fourth parts, the paper deals with the problem of coloniality in wider epistemic contexts of modern social sciences and in relation to the notion of alterity and to the question of decolonisation of social scientific thinking. The final discussion addresses some of inspirational and problematic points of this conception such as problems of decolonisation, intellectual dependency and critique, and the problem of conceptualisation of differences in scientific discourses.