Suchergebnisse

Ovaj rad predstavlja sintetičku studiju o filozofskim stajalištima al-Farabija i Ibn Halduna iz klasičnog islama te Arnolda Toynbeeja i Samuela Huntingtona s modernog Zapada o temi znanosti o civilizaciji. Na temelju aristotelovske ideje o istinskoj znanosti, ovaj članak dokazuje da su al-Farabi i Ibn Haldun bili istinski utemeljitelji znanosti o civilizaciji. Reformuliranjem tema koje tvore predmet ove znanosti, koju je definirao al-Farabi, Ibn Haldun ju je odjednom učinio razumljivijom i izumio je nekoliko novih znanosti kao njezinih ogranaka. Unutar epistemološkog okvira Ibn Haldunove nove znanosti o civilizaciji, Toynbee se poduhvatio istraživanja komparativne civilizacije, što tek treba zadobiti status znanosti. Nadalje se pokazuje da bi Huntingtonov mogući doprinos znanosti o civilizaciji mogao biti u konceptu politike civilizacije. U ovom stoljeću rafiniranija znanost o civilizaciji može nastati samo ako se sintetiziraju civilizacijska stajališta ovih i drugih mislitelja. ; This article presents a synthetic study of the philosophical views of al-Farabi and Ibn Khaldun from classical Islam and Arnold Toynbee and Samuel Huntington from the modern West on the subject of civilizational science. On the basis of the Aristotelian idea of a true science, this article argues that al-Farabi and Ibn Khaldun were the real founders of civilizational science. Through his reformulation of the topics constituting the subject matter of this science as first defined by al-Farabi, Ibn Khaldun immediately made the science more comprehensive and created several new sciences as its branches. Within the epistemological framework of Ibn Khaldun's new civilizational science, Toynbee developed the study of comparative civilization, which is yet to attain its true status as a science. It is further argued that Huntington's possible contribution to civilizational science would be through the concept of politics of civilization. A more refined civilizational science may only emerge in this century if the civilizational views of these thinkers and others are to be synthesized. ; Cet article présente une étude synthétique des perspectives philosophiques d'al-Farabi et d'Ibn Khaldoun issues de l'islam classique, et celles de Arnold Toynbee et de Samuel Huntington de l'Occident moderne. En se basant sur les idées aristotéliciennes de la science vraie, cette article démontre que al-Farabi et Ibn Khaldoun ont été les véritables fondateurs de la science de la civilisation. En reformulant les thèmes qui constituent l'objet de cette science définie par al-Farabi, Ibn Khaldoun l'a aussitôt rendue plus compréhensible et a créé de nombreuses sciences nouvelles qui consistent en des ramifications de cette science. Dans le cadre de la nouvelle science de la civilisation d'Ibn Khaldoun, Toynbee développe une étude comparée des civilisations, recherche qui doit encore atteindre le statut de science. Plus loin, il est montré que l'éventuelle contribution de Huntington aux sciences des civilisations pourrait se situer dans le concept de la politique des civilisations. Une science de la civilisation plus recherchée pourrait émerger au cours de ce siècle à la condition de synthétiser les diverses perspectives sur la civilisation de chacun des auteurs. ; Dieser Artikel präsentiert eine synthetische Studie der philosophischen Ansichten von al-Farabi und Ibn Chaldun aus dem klassischen Islam sowie von Arnold Toynbee und Samuel Huntington aus dem modernen Westen zum Thema Zivilisationswissenschaft. Auf der Grundlage der aristo telischen Idee einer wahren Wissenschaft vertritt dieser Artikel die Ansicht, dass al-Farabi und Ibn Chaldun die eigentlichen Gründer der Zivilisationswissenschaft waren. Durch seine Neu formulierung der Themen, die den Gegenstand dieser Wissenschaft bilden, wie sie zuerst von al-Farabi definiert wurde, machte Ibn Chaldun sie abrupt umfassender und schuf mehrere neue Wissenschaften als ihre Zweige. Innerhalb des epistemologischen Rahmens von Ibn Chalduns neuer Zivilisationswissenschaft trieb Toynbee die Erforschung der komparativen Zivilisation voran, die ihren wahren Status als Wissenschaft noch zu erlangen hat. Es wird weiterhin argu mentiert, Huntingtons möglicher Beitrag zur Zivilisationswissenschaft würde in dem Konzept der Zivilisationspolitik liegen. Eine raffiniertere Zivilisationswissenschaft könnte sich in diesem Jahrhundert nur dann herauskristallisieren, wenn die zivilisatorischen Blickwinkel dieser und anderer Denker synthetisiert werden.

Nenad Miscevic's Nationalism and Beyond: Introducing Moral Debate about Values (New York: CEU Press, 2001) is reviewed. Of the book's three parts, part 1 describes nationalism as a political program; part 2 discusses the relationship between culture, identity, & tradition; & part 3 proposes cosmopolitanism as an alternative to nationalism. The review focuses on Miscevic's debunking of the intellectual, political, cultural, & moral arguments advanced by proponents in favor of nationalism; the various arguments are presented & Miscevic's criticism is supported. It is concluded that the author's ethical-political argumentation against nationalism is very convincing, but his treatment of the relationship between the individual & society seems to be too general & perfunctory. 2 References. Z. Dubiel

The first translation of Mill's paper Podredenost zena (1869) has been recently published in Croatia. This work marks a break with the patriarchal paradigm within the liberal tradition. By tying the realization of liberal ideas of freedom & individualism to the elimination of inequality between the sexes, Mill gave back to liberalism its original critical & emancipatory character. Using this as the starting point, the article deals with the understanding of women's rights within the intellectual-political tradition Mill belonged to; sheds some new light on the nature & the meaning of his relationship with Harriet Taylor; & reconstructs Mill's theory on the equality of women in the context of his entire oeuvre. In the fourth & final part, the author looks into the relevance of Mill's ideas & points to certain intricacies & contradictions in his views. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

The first translation of Mill's paper Podredenost zena (1869) has been recently published in Croatia. This work marks a break with the patriarchal paradigm within the liberal tradition. By tying the realization of liberal ideas of freedom & individualism to the elimination of inequality between the sexes, Mill gave back to liberalism its original critical & emancipatory character. Using this as the starting point, the article deals with the understanding of women's rights within the intellectual-political tradition Mill belonged to; sheds some new light on the nature & the meaning of his relationship with Harriet Taylor; & reconstructs Mill's theory on the equality of women in the context of his entire oeuvre. In the fourth & final part, the author looks into the relevance of Mill's ideas & points to certain intricacies & contradictions in his views. 24 References. Adapted from the source document.

Različite su interpretacije govora mržnje. No, svaka od njih govor mržnje promišlja u kontekstu odnosa slobode govora i mogućih nesloboda uvjetovanih pravnim reguliranjem i sankcioniranjem. U ovom se radu želi krenuti od razmatranja mržnje same (dohvaćajući filozofijske dimenzije, društvene kontekste i političke doprinose u razvoju govora mržnje) te je na taj način promatrati u njezinim biološkim i kulturnim dimenzijama. Na konkretnim primjerima govora mržnje želi se pokazati isprepletenost biološkog i misaonog, kulturnog i tjelesnog te ideološkog i emotivnog. Analiza primjera govora mržnje, ostrašćenosti pojedinaca uronjenih u takvu vrstu psihološke i misaone nezrelosti, pokazuje važnost filozofijskih iskoraka u oskudnu stvarnost – iskoraka kojima je cilj o fenomenima davati filozofijski stav, ali i temeljne kriterije po kojima bi se orijentacijski mogla odrediti druga znanstvena istraživanja. ; Hate speech is interpreted in various ways. It is always analysed in the context of the relationship between freedom of speech and the possible lack of freedom caused by legal regulation and sanctioning of hate speech. In this paper we want to start from the consideration of hate itself (taking into account philosophical dimensions, social contexts and the contribution of politics to the development of hate speech) and in this way consider it in its biological and cultural dimensions. Using specific examples of hate speech, we aim to show the intertwining of the biological and the intellectual, the cultural and the physical, the ideological and the emotional. The analysis of some cases of hate speech and the passion of individuals involved in this psychological and intellectual immaturity makes clear how important it is for philosophy to lunge into this poor reality – steps taken to give philosophical views on these phenomena, but also basic criteria for possible orientation in other scientific research.

U ovom članku nastoji se odgovoriti na pitanje tko su intelektualci i koliko su potrebni dru­štvu i Crkvi? Naime, bezbroj intelektualaca, među njima i teolozi, sudjelovalo je i sudjeluje u stvaranju i podržavanju destruktivnih suvremenih ideologija, religijskih fanatičnih pokreta i ciničnih politika. U bivšim socijalističkim zemljama angažirani humanisti, glavni nositelji slobode, disidenti i stradalnici, često su bili upravo intelektualci. U postsocijalističkim društvima i državama, pogotovo u našima na jugoistoku Europe, pogođenim ratovima i nacionalizmima te zahvaćenim tržišnom i konzumerističkom površnošću, intelektualci/teolozi su uz političare među najvećim kočničarima humanizacije društva: isključuju moral iz politike, odbacuju samokritičnost, građansku hrabrost te proročku dimenziju vjere. ; The aim of this paper is to provide an answer to the question of who are intellectuals and how much are they needed to society and the Church? Countless intellectuals, among them also theologians, played a role in creating and sustaining destructive regimes of contemporary ideologies, fanatical religious movements and cynical politics. In former socialist countries, active humanists, the main carriers of freedom, dissidents and sufferers, were often intellectuals. In postsocialist societies and countries, especially in Southeastern Europe, struck by war and nationalism, and overwhelmed with triviality of consumer's society, intellectuals/theologians are, next to politicians, the strongest barriers against humanization of society: they exclude morals from politics, they reject self­criticsm, civil bravery and prophetic dimension of faith.

A revised translation of an article originally published as "Der ambivalente Liberalismus. Oder: Was halt die liberale Demokratie zusammen?" Zeitschrift fur Politik (42 [1995] 3, 250-267). A few years after the collapse of communist regimes, it is evident that the confidence about the ultimate triumph of liberal democracy was premature. This waking up to reality is not only the consequence of the hardships in the transformation of postcommunist societies, but of the intellectual skepticism regarding the normative potential of liberal democracy in the developed Western societies. The problem might in most general terms be formulated as the incapacity of liberal democracy to generate & reproduce the normative requirements for its own survival. The author thinks that the solution to this paradox can nevertheless be found within the institutional framework of liberal democracy: if the traditional moral concepts on which liberal democracy was founded in the past are worn out indeed, & no civil-religious substitute for that tradition has emerged as yet, then its only possibility is to create its own, modern or postmodern, morality by means of the public discourse mechanisms & the political participation of citizens. The normative dimension of liberalism must not be reduced to the theory of private ownership, market, & competition, but be envisaged as a constitutional theory of human rights & restricted government & the egalitarian distribution of goods & opportunities. Adapted from the source document.

The author gives a brief account of the (active or passive) complicity of the overwhelming majority of Serbian intellectuals in the Serbs war on Croatia & Bosnia-Herzegovina & the war crimes & crimes against humanity, including genocide, they have committed in its course. The author then argues that in view of this complicity, intellectuals outside Serbia should not be doing "business as usual" with their Serbian colleagues. He advances an argument for a comprehensive, but selective, boycott of Serbian intellectuals as the morally appropriate response of intellectuals the world over. Adapted from the source document.

Henry Kissinger is one of the most eminent & influential intellectuals in American foreign policy. His work & achievements may be divided into three phases of his participation in the creation of American foreign policy. In the first -- scholarly -- phase of his career, he criticized US foreign policy. His works from that period clearly reflect his realpolitik outlook. Particularly important for his life & work is the second phase when he was able, as a national security adviser & later as Secretary of State for presidents Nixon & Ford, to use his remarkable intellectual capital & successfully practice realpolitik as the creator & proponent of American foreign policy. After his retirement from foreign policy administration, Kissinger did not cease to use his clout in the field of international relations & American foreign policy. He has been one of the most significant intellectuals influencing US foreign policy. 31 References. Adapted from the source document.

Prvi svjetski rat bio je (ne)očekivana situacija zastrašujućeg intenziteta koja je uvelike izmijenila dotadašnje pojmove i rasprave o ograničenosti ratnih djelovanja. Bio je pomalo »očaravajući« za tehnologe, uzbudljiv za političare i šokantan za intelektualce. Međunarodni odnosi (preko Lige naroda i Ujedinjenih naroda) nakon Drugog svjetskog rata više nikad nisu bili isti, uz tihe ratove koje su vodili idealisti i realisti teorija politike i međunarodnih odnosa. Kenneth Waltz, kao neorealist, usmjerava raspravu o smislu rata manje na pitanje ljudske prirode, a više prema pitanjima država, međunarodnih sustava te prema globalnoj strukturi koje stvara potrebu za ratovanjem ili za uspostavljanjem mira. Uviđa da suvremene metode (filozofije) politike i političke znanosti valja i dalje prožimati s klasičnim pristupima i kriterijima filozofske i političke misli. U raspravi o naravi ratovanja ili nužnosti mira valja razotkrivati koncepte sile i državne dominacije – koja se provodi u kulturnoj, tehnološkoj pa i masmedijskoj sferi – i kritičkim pristupom Noama Chomskog. Potrebno je i (re)afirmirati stav javnosti, reakcije intelektualaca i ozračje što ga je izazvao Prvi svjetski rat da bismo se – i kroz eseje Hermanna Hessea – bolje suočili s današnjom postmodernističkom dehumanizacijom i beznađem aktualnih koncepcija i perspektiva ratovanja. ; World War I was the (un)expected situation of frightening intensity that has greatly changed the prior concepts and discussions about the limitations of war operations. It was somewhat "enchanting" for technologists, exciting for the politicians, and shocking for the intellectuals. International relations (through the League of Nations and United Nations) after World War II changed, with silent wars being led by idealists and realists of the theory of politics and international relations. As a neorealist, Kenneth Waltz directs discussion about the meaning of war less towards the matter of human nature, and more towards the questions regarding countries, international systems, and global structure that create the need for a war or the need for establishing peace. He recognizes that modern methods of (philosophy of) politics and political science should still be pervaded with classical approaches, and criteria of philosophical and political thought. In the debate about the nature of war or about the necessity of peace, the concepts of force and the state domination should be exposed. They are carried out in the cultural, technological, and even in the mass media sphere, and here Noam Chomsky's critical approach is needed. Attitude of the public, the reaction of intellectuals, and the atmosphere which was caused by the First World War has to be (re)affirmed in order to – and through the essays by Hermann Hesse – better face with today's postmodern dehumanization, and the pointlessness of current concepts and perspectives of War

Autorica istražuje mogućnost da se pesimizam etablira kao relevantan pravac unutar teorije realizma međunarodnih odnosa u objašnjavanju kako prošlih, tako i budućih događaja u međunarodnoj politici. U radu se koristi metateorijska interpretativna metoda kako bi se iznijele neke od temeljnih niti vodilja misli pesimizma, pri čemu je fokus samo na klasičnom realizmu unutar realističke teorije, budući da su njezine postavke ujedno i temeljna izvorišta pesimizma. U prvom dijelu rada iznosi se temeljne odrednice i biti realizma i pesimizma, drugi dio se fokusira na intelektualnu pozadinu pesimistične misli u radovima Schopenhauera, Nietzschea i Freuda, a posljednji dio iznosi kritiku optimizma i temeljne opreke u poimanju koncepta vremena između pesimizma i optimizma, kao i implikacije koje pesimizam ima za međunarodne odnose. Pesimizam kao pravac unutar teorije realizma međunarodnih odnosa ima filozofsku snagu i jaku teorijsku pozadinu te može imati svoje mjesto unutar realističke teorije međunarodnih odnosa. ; The author evaluates the possibility of the concept of pessimism establishing itself as a relevant factor within the theory of realism in international relations, that is, for explaining past and future events in international politics. The approach applies the meta theoric interpretative method in order to expose some of the tenets of the leading pessimistic theories where the focus is on classical realism within the realistic theory, since its origins are also the fundamental origins of pessimism. The first part exposes the fundamental postulates and essence of realism and pessimism, while the second part focuses on the intellectual background of the pessimism thought found in the works of Schopenhauer, Nietzsche and Freud. The last part expose a criticism of optimism as well as the fundamental contradictions in understanding the concept of time between pessimism and optimism, as well as the implications of pessimism on international relations. Pessimism, as a part of the theory of realism in international ...

Tko su naši suvremeni pučki tribuni? Kakva je njihova zastupnička namjera? U čije točno ime govore zastupnici naroda? I kakav ih odaziv zajednice prati? Zastupaju li u istoj mjeri »elitne«, »svenarodske« i vlastite interese unutar šire interpretativne zajednice? Stvara li svako uzimanje zastupničkog ili reprezentacijskog prava ujedno i osobit socijalni otpor (neuključenih ili prozvanih glasova), baš kao i s njime povezane političke progone? Tekst tumači javnu sferu kao dinamičko polje ideologijskih i estetičkih sučeljavanja, s posebnim naglaskom na umjetničko stvaralaštvo Olivera Frljića i Mate Matišića kao aktualnih pučkih tribuna. Obojicu prati licemjerna optužnica za »manjak patriotizma«, premda upravo napor navedenih umjetnika za uvažavanjem socijalno najranjivijih skupina i pojedinaca svjedoči u prilog osobite etike skrbi, samim time i povišene brižnosti prema zajednici kojoj se obraćaju. Tekst također sadrži i kratke razgovore s obojicom umjetnika na temu umjetnosti kao javnog zastupništva i njegovih kriza. ; Who are our contemporary tribuni plebis? What is their representative intent? What kind of communal response they receive, both from »elite« and from »common« interpretative communities? What kind of public resistance and public persecution follow from their choice to speak as the public representatives? The text understands public sphere as a contesting ideological and aesthetical field and therefore approaches works of Oliver Fljić and Mate Matišić as two artists who fiercely challenge the irresponsibility of the Croatian community and insist on public duty of intellectuals and artists to reveal both structural patterns and private schemata of social injustice. The fact that both of them are oftentimes accused in the media for their »lack of patriotism« is viewed as a grotesque form of social hypocrisy, since Matišić and Frljić demonstrate consistent care about the most wounded parts of our political community, therefore building intense field of social empathy and communal ethics of care. Text also includes voices of Mate Matišić and Oliver Frljić in response to the questions the author made.

Following the military defeat of the secular strategic orientation (Drang nach Westen) in Croatia of Serbian political & intellectual elite, a question arises: which are the feasible strategic options of Serbian nationalist elites? Theoretically, three options are possible: (1) radical strategic reorientation: giving up entirely on the existing orientation & setting up new strategic priorities; (2) a respite & mustering of strength for a new round (a reprise of the tactical variant of 1991); or (3) hatching a novel, long-term tactical variation that would enable the achievement of strategic objectives step by step, by "peaceful means." The author finds the third option most viable, though there are no hints that such a choice has actually been made. However, supposing this option might eventually be acted upon, the author goes on to envisage the quandaries & dilemmas that political & intellectual elites in Serbia might be faced with. Adapted from the source document.

U radu se razmatraju povod, tijek i sadržaj intelektualne i političke debate između Stipe Šuvara i Šime Đodana koja se odvijala tijekom 1969., u uvjetima društveno-političkih, kulturnih i ekonomskih previranja u tadašnjoj socijalističkoj Hrvatskoj i Jugoslaviji. Glavno pitanje koje se eksplicitno i implicitno provlačilo kroz debatu bilo je: "Je li Hrvatska u Jugoslaviji eksploatirana?" No ta je rasprava bila višeslojna i kompleksnija od toga. U njoj su se autori dotakli i međuodnosa nacionalizma i međunarodne ekonomske integracije unutar Jugoslavije, kao i integracije Jugoslavije sa svijetom, odnosa ekonomije i kulture, emocionalnih i racionalnih argumenata u političkoj i ekonomskoj sferi, nacionalizma i demografije, modernizacije i nacionalne emancipacije, međudjelovanja procesa u istočnom, socijalističkom lageru i na Zapadu te konsekvencija koje bi Jugoslavija i jugoslavensko društvo iz toga trebali povlačiti. U takvu složenijem iščitavanju njihove suprotstavljene pozicije (borba ideja) ne mogu se svoditi na dihotomiju socijalizam – nacionalizam i hrvatstvo – jugoslavenstvo. ; This paper examines the cause, flow, and context of the intellectual and political debate between Stipe Šuvar and Šime Đodan that took place during 1969, in the conditions of socio-political, cultural, and economic turmoil in the then socialist Croatia and Yugoslavia. The main question that was explicitly and implicitly present throughout the debate was: 'Is Croatia being exploited in Yugoslavia?' This discussion, however, was multi-layered and more complex than that. In it, the authors touched upon the relationship between nationalism and inter-ethnic economic integration within Yugoslavia as well as the integration of Yugoslavia with the world, the relationship between economy and culture, emotional and rational arguments in the political and economic spheres, nationalism and demographics, modernisation and national/ethnic emancipation, the interaction of processes in the eastern, socialist bloc and in the West, and the consequences that Yugoslavia should draw from them. As a consequence of this more complex interpretation, their opposed positions (struggle of ideas) cannot be reduced to a simple dichotomy such as socialism-nationalism and Croatianness-Yugoslavness. Furthermore, the freer speech that became predominant in Yugoslav and Croatian public space in the 1960s and 1970s made it easier to cross the borders between the economic, political, social, and cultural spheres. The economic dimension of nationalism would prove inseparable from the national discourse, and it would become apparent that it could not be adequately addressed through general debates in the field of economic theory and practice alone. Finally, the Šuvar-Đodan polemic is a reminder of the reflections on globalisation that were then taking place in socialist societies and states, and which had begun long before the fall of the Berlin Wall.

Apart from trade in goods & services, there has emerged a new field of international trade & it is trade in intellectual property rights. Its most important & represented form is trade in patent rights. Possession of patent rights is an increasingly important factor of competitiveness on the international market. This field is very dynamic & therefore there is a need to be constantly followed. In this paper, the author analyses the origin, process of changes & prospects for trade in patent rights. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.