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I. The physical basis -- II. The moral basis -- III. Of education -- IV. The power of time -- V. The influences of money -- VI. Custom and tradition -- VII. Women and marriage -- VIII. Aristocracy and democracy -- IX. Society and solityde -- X. Intellectua hygienics -- XI. Trades and professions -- XII. Surroundings. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Reprinted from _The Seven Arts_, June 1917. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Labadie Pamphlet Collection.

Many of N.P. van Wyk Louw's essays address the role of the intellectual. In the 1930s, Louw struggled to define a place for the intellectual in relation to the Afrikaner volk and its cultural movements and political parties. At the end of "Kultuurleiers sonder kultuur" (Cultural Leaders without Culture) (1939), Louw turns to the simile of the cave from book seven of Plato's Republic. There the cave represents the city and its people, who are trapped in illusion. Plato's "philosopher" escapes the dark chamber where the prisoners observe only shadows, gains enlightenment, and returns to open the eyes of his fellow inhabitants. Returning is the duty of the philosopher. How did N.P. van Wyk Louw imagine descending back into the "cave," into the midst of the city, to be among the people of his country? One answer lies in a pair of unpublished fragments dating from the 1940s entitled "In die bus afgeluister" (Overheard on the Bus). In these fragments, Louw eavesdrops, as he takes the bus to and from work, on the conversations of people of Cape Town of various races. We get a slice of city life, and a sense of how Louw tried to embrace that life rather than isolate himself from it. These two urban sketches nevertheless show that the task of enlightening one's fellow citizens proves more complicated than Louw expects because the intellectual is more deeply implicated in the illusory play of shadows than he imagines.

This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).

El primer texto de Aranguren sobre el intelectual (1959) ya lo señala como la conciencia moral de la sociedad. El encargado de reducir la distancia entre lo que es y lo que debe ser. En 1969 apunta la necesidad de que el intelectual se independice de la sociedad a la que pertenece para poder criticarla y ponerla en cuestión. Asimismo propone la democracia como moral. Su labor como intelectual en el franquismo y el post-franquismo resultó fundamental. Entendió el intento de golpe de estado del 23 de febrero de 1981 como el afianzamiento, la mayoría de edad, de la joven democracia española. ; Aranguren's first document about the intellectual (1959) was already shown as the moral conscience of society. The person in charge to reduce the distance between what it is and what it should be. In 1969 it is pointed out the need of the intellectual to become independent of society to which he belongs to, in order to be able to criticize and generate doubts about it. Likewise, he proposes Democracy as moral. His job as an intellectual in Franco and post-Franco period became fundamental. He understood the events on February 23rd 1981 as the consolidation of Spanish democracy.

The functionality of the new economic system of Republic of Moldavia, based on market relations and opened to world, frequently marked by dynamism, often by uncertainty and risk, sometimes even hostility, depends, crucially, on the innovation activity. Innovation activity, formation of innovation potential is definitely influenced by motivational politics and the reward system. The article reflects on the evolution of innovative activity, formation of innovation potential, motivational system and proposes some measures that would boost the intellectual property.

Many books link World War II to postmodernism, but few link World War I in the same way. The author here explores the intellectual fallout from World War I as the context of the roots of post-modernism. His limited purpose in this paper is to explore one of many possible links between the unanticipated carnage of World War I, through existentialism, to the attack on meaning in history posed by postmodernism. The postmodern drive towards individual isolation and autonomy has a corrosive political impact on our world, as it does on individual well being. One of the internal inconsistencies that appeared as the Modernist paradigm matured was the political idea of the ultimate value of the nation-state. That idea challenged the fabric of political and economic life on which the modern world was built. World War I was a series of confrontations among five empires: the British Empire, which survived the war, but only for a generation, and the German, Austro-Hungarian, Russian, and Ottoman Empires, which did not survive it. They all collapsed by the end of the war. The nation-state idea revealed its dark side: each and every nationality, no matter how small, deserved to be an independent state with its own story, identity, and right of self-determination. Today we are watching this process of disintegration continue: Spain, Italy, Great Britain, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Syria, Iraq, Libya, Nigeria, China, Russia, and others reveal either effect or possibility of fracture. World War I provided the stage on which the inner tensions inherent in modernism were released. The splintering continues, and the paradigm will collapse completely. Someday, postmodernism will also shatter, undermined by inherent contradictions within and the radical emphasis on individual autonomy. In the meantime, people of faith have a grand opportunity to provide an alternative to the meaninglessness that our age has accepted in place of the false certainties of modernism. If anything, postmodernism is more susceptible to authentic Christian witness and solidarity that Modernism was. The future is brighter than we sometimes think.

Philosophers have so far contributed little to these debates on the optimal regulation of ownership of intellectual property (IP). This chapter analyses what contribution philosophy can expect to make. I begin by distinguishing two tasks that philosophy can attempt when it comes to the optimal regulation of IP: first, philosophers can devise a high level regulatory model for IP, explaining how, for example the ontology of ideas makes a difference to how we should regulate them, and what the overall goals are that we should have in an IP policy. Second, philosophers can attempt to make cogent and concrete policy suggestions on the basis of such a high level regulatory model. I argue that it is often extremely difficult to draw cogent and concrete policy proposals from even extremely good moral and political philosophy; and given the paucity of philosophical theorising so far about IP, it would be especially ambitious to expect philosophers now to construct theories which will have concrete and cogent policy implications. Hence this chapter focuses mostly on the first task.

The significance of being an intellectual when taken prisoner and sent to a concentration camp by the Nazis is rarely discussed – instead, the importance of being either a Jew or a political prisoner (say, a German communist) is highlighted. By contrast, Jean Amery's recollections of being tortured and sent to Auschwitz concentrate on his self-understanding as an intellectual. What difference does the identity and outlook as an intellectual make in the extreme circumstances found in Auschwitz? The paper discusses Amery's views on this question, invoking that of others who have also addressed it, like Primo Levi and Theodor Adorno.

The European Union has seen an increased number of asylum seekers and economic migrants over the past few years. There will be request to assess some of these individuals to see if they have an intellectual disability (ID). If this is to be done using the current internationally recognized definitions of ID, we will need to be confident that the IQ tests we have available are able to accurately measure the IQs of people from developing countries. The literature showing substantial differences in the mean measured IQs of different countries is considered. It is found that, although there are numerous problems with these studies, the overall conclusion that there are substantial differences in mean measured IQ is sound. However, what is not clear is whether there are large differences in true intellectual ability between different countries, how predictive IQ scores are of an individual from a developing country ability to cope, and whether or not an individual's IQ would increase if they go from a developing country to a developed one. Because of these uncertainties, it is suggested that a diagnosis of ID should not be dependent on an IQ cut-off point when assessing people from developing countries.

Between World Wars I and II, allied forces girded themselves to quash yet another enemy bent on world conquest: fascism. In England, however, the British fascists set about to save what they saw as a dying empire. In an effort to restore Britain's greatness, British fascism held to fascist principles and doctrine to stem the flow of immigration, which fascists saw as darkening the pure British culture. While many of the British fascists strongly admired Nazi Germany's version of fascism, they were unique in that they forged their solutions from social ills that were distinctly British. British fascists were unabashedly anti-Semitic. They feared a Jewish threat to Britain's economy and culture and sought to counter it on every front. History, according to the British fascists, was rife with conspiracies which threatened the established "order of things." Unfortunately, their fears of conspiracy were so fantastic that their rationale was at times clouded and to their detriment. Foremost in the thinking of British fascists, Britain itself and all things British stood paramount to the exclusion of all else. Only an enormous resurgence of British nationalism would serve to regain Britain's proud heritage and future. Widely held principles of British fascism included direct representation in government for all occupations. All Britons would work in the interest of Britain, placing individual interests secondary to the whole of British culture. British fascism called for all Britons to actively involve themselves in the organic body of the British fascist state. Honor, duty, and loyalty would guide all Britons to a heightened sense of nationalism which would enable the individual to flourish within the fascist state. British fascism offered a sense of greatness to the British people. When all Britons embraced the nationalism of British fascism, pride of country, strength of family, honor of the individual, and the greatness of the British Empire all would be restored. ; 2005-12-01 ; M.A. ; Arts and Sciences, Department of History ; Masters ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

The paucity or dearth of scholarship around A.C. Jordan's contributions as teacher, visionary, scholar and political activist in South Africa is as disconcerting as it is disillusioning. This paper seeks to take A.C. Jordan's rich and eclectic oeuvre from the peripheral position which it seems to occupy in contemporary academic discourse in his motherland, to the centre. It unearths his lesser known poems as well as some of his other literary gems such as his public address in his capacity as President of the Cape African Teachers' Association (CATA). This contribution aims to accord Jordan his rightful place as one of the key figures in the advancement of the Black literary tradition within the borders of South Africa and beyond.

The article considers the peculiarities of the formation of the intellectual elite of the diplomatic service. The features of the intellectual elite are highlighted. It is determined that the essential qualities of the intellectual elite include the level of education, innovative way of thinking, professional success and recognition, creativity, motivation, etc. The essence of the concept of "intellectual elite of the diplomatic service" from the point of view of stratification, altimetric, axiological and monistic approaches is revealed. The main tasks of the diplomatic service of Ukraine have been clarified. The author's interpretation of the intellectual elite of the diplomatic service is formed. It is determined that the formation of the intellectual elite of the diplomatic service is a purposeful process of creating a personality with predetermined features, which involves actions aimed at its development, and includes its conscious self-development to coordinate the activities of government agencies to ensure a common foreign policy. There are four main factors that influenced the formation of the intellectual elite of the diplomatic service: personnel policy of the Foreign Ministry (MFA), including formal and informal requirements for diplomatic personnel, their selection in accordance with applicable law and internal rules and traditions of the MFA; the level of education and general culture of diplomats; acquisition of professional experience and skills in the process of service; involvement in the corporate values of the diplomatic service: understanding of its content, foreign policy objectives and interests of the country, political culture, patriotic and religious values. It is noted that in the formation of the intellectual elite of the diplomatic service a special place is occupied by university education, as a modern university is not only an educational, but also a scientific and cultural center, which trains intellectuals. It is proved that the rationalization of personnel policy as an innovative direction in the development of Ukraine is a necessary and important condition in the work of the diplomatic service and increase the efficiency of their activities. The directions of realization of innovative personnel policy of diplomatic service for the purpose of modernization of foreign policy activity of Ukraine are offered. ; The article considers the peculiarities of the formation of the intellectual elite of the diplomatic service. The features of the intellectual elite are highlighted. It is determined that the essential qualities of the intellectual elite include the level of education, innovative way of thinking, professional success and recognition, creativity, motivation, etc. The essence of the concept of "intellectual elite of the diplomatic service" from the point of view of stratification, altimetric, axiological and monistic approaches is revealed. The main tasks of the diplomatic service of Ukraine have been clarified. The author's interpretation of the intellectual elite of the diplomatic service is formed. It is determined that the formation of the intellectual elite of the diplomatic service is a purposeful process of creating a personality with predetermined features, which involves actions aimed at its development, and includes its conscious self-development to coordinate the activities of government agencies to ensure a common foreign policy. There are four main factors that influenced the formation of the intellectual elite of the diplomatic service: personnel policy of the Foreign Ministry (MFA), including formal and informal requirements for diplomatic personnel, their selection in accordance with applicable law and internal rules and traditions of the MFA; the level of education and general culture of diplomats; acquisition of professional experience and skills in the process of service; involvement in the corporate values of the diplomatic service: understanding of its content, foreign policy objectives and interests of the country, political culture, patriotic and religious values. It is noted that in the formation of the intellectual elite of the diplomatic service a special place is occupied by university education, as a modern university is not only an educational, but also a scientific and cultural center, which trains intellectuals. It is proved that the rationalization of personnel policy as an innovative direction in the development of Ukraine is a necessary and important condition in the work of the diplomatic service and increase the efficiency of their activities. The directions of realization of innovative personnel policy of diplomatic service for the purpose of modernization of foreign policy activity of Ukraine are offered.

In this article, I examine how defeat in war has shaped intellectual discourse in postwar Japan, particularly intellectual debates on war guilt. Known as 'war responsibility debates' in Japanese, the disconnection that is imposed on national identity by defeat has led to a number of different responses from Japanese opinion leaders and scholars. Implicit in these responses is a desire to restore fundamental continuity, either by revising the appraisal of war, or by making guilt the unifying element in a transwar national identity. Defeat is the crux of the issue around which intellectuals have had to navigate in their quest for a continuous history for postwar Japan. This article considers the contributions made to this debate by Maruyama Masao, a pioneering thinker on political thought in postwar Japan; by the scholars in the Science of Thought Research Group in their study of political apostasy (tenkō) and the more recent advent of revisionist historians in the 'Liberal School of History' group. I conclude that this ongoing debate should itself be regarded as a positive phenomenon, as it continues to presume a basic link between the war and accountability that is fundamental to the integrity of Japan's postwar democracy.

In this article, I examine how defeat in war has shaped intellectual discourse in postwar Japan, particularly intellectual debates on war guilt. Known as 'war responsibility debates' in Japanese, the disconnection that is imposed on national identity by defeat has led to a number of different responses from Japanese opinion leaders and scholars. Implicit in these responses is a desire to restore fundamental continuity, either by revising the appraisal of war, or by making guilt the unifying element in a transwar national identity. Defeat is the crux of the issue around which intellectuals have had to navigate in their quest for a continuous history for postwar Japan. This article considers the contributions made to this debate by Maruyama Masao, a pioneering thinker on political thought in postwar Japan; by the scholars in the Science of Thought Research Group in their study of political apostasy (tenkō) and the more recent advent of revisionist historians in the 'Liberal School of History' group. I conclude that this ongoing debate should itself be regarded as a positive phenomenon, as it continues to presume a basic link between the war and accountability that is fundamental to the integrity of Japan's postwar democracy.