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Northern California based filmmakers in the late 1960s and 1970s pushed the traditional boundaries of filmmaking practices in ways that have been adopted and reworked into contemporary Hollywood filmmaking practices. The article examines labour issues and conditions and politics of film sound work during this era, some of which continue to be applicable today. The development of new production practices pushed filmmakers including George Lucas, Francis Ford Coppola, and Walter Murch to produce films outside the traditional Hollywood studio production paradigm. This new generation of filmmakers held sound with a higher status and popularized non- traditional ways of working with sound. They created the new job title of sound designer to signify a person who supervises and collaborates with the director, department heads, and screenwriter on the use and function of sound through all of the filmmaking phases from the writing stage through the final mix. Through this historical view of the issues, conditions, and politics of Hollywood film sound labour as experienced by practitioners at the early period of the contemporary film sound era, this article illuminates the reasons and ways in which filmmakers sought to work outside of studio controls and union regulations that inhibited their emerging production processes, and led to formation of a media capital for film sound in the San Francisco Bay Area.

Given as part of a day-long panel of papers exploring the artist's interview, this 20-minute paper considered the 'interview' as an on-going and underlying theme in artists' moving image. It discussed how interviews are a complex and subjective method for exploring recent history; a particular kind of source material connected to artists' critical writing; and a format used in films, videos and performances. Taking the dialogic back-and-forth of interview interaction as a starting point, it considered how 'speaking-out' and 'listening-in' are active modes of engagement that are channelled by and subverted in works of moving image, particularly early video art of the 1970s. Using writings by Steven Connor (2000) and Mladen Dolar (2006), it explored how the split condition and antiphonal dynamics of the artists' recorded voice enables them to re-enter conversations from and about the past. Taking Rosalind Krauss' 1976 essay 'Video: The aesthetics of narcissism' as an initial point of departure, the presentation posited that the interview as a very different cumulative, moving and open-ended format, which enables it to have immediacy in later contexts. Discussion referenced 'Sculpture in the Expanded Field', another essay written by Krauss in 1979, used in the overall AAH conference description. By exploring 'expanded' performance-based artworks and drawing upon recent post-doc research into the intersections between experimental sound/music and artists' moving image, it considered how Kevin Atherton's In Two Minds (1978–2018) installations and performances alter understanding of recorded material and the archive. Framed by this potential 'performative afterlife' of recorded artworks, it asked how and in what ways the interview as a format can be used to re-engage with history – activating re-examination of queer and feminist approaches to making and disseminating artworks in seventies Britain. Supported by a bursary from the Doctoral and Early Career Research Network of the Association for Art History.

The rise of neo-conservatism defined the critical context of many appraisals of artistic work produced in downtown New York in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Although initial reviews of the scene were largely enthusiastic, subsequent assessments of artistic work from this period have been largely negative. Artists like Keith Haring, Jean-Michel Basquiat and Kenny Scharf have been assessed primarily in terms of gentrification, commodification, and political commitment relying upon various theoretical assumptions about social processes. The conclusions reached have primarily centred upon the lack of resistance by these artists to postindustrial capitalism in its various manifestations. My investigation engages in a debate with these texts by challenging these assumptions by which the downtown artists have been understood. I address the work of Richard Bolton, Suzi Gablik, Hal Foster and Craig Owens, amongst others, by critiquing their differing conceptions of structure and agency and introducing the analytical dualist approach of sociologist Margaret Archer, one which theorises the agency of social actors within social structures in a superior manner. After making my case, I investigate five economic and political conditions facing these artists, including corporate expansion, entrepreneurialism, the entertainment industry, the rise of the neo-conservative political agenda and the struggle for dominance amongst critics themselves. In each, I investigate the production and distribution practices of a wide range of downtown artists in relation to the historical context, from groups such as Colab and PADD to individuals including Ann Magnuson, David McDermott, Jenny Holzer, Richard Hambleton, John Fekner, Jane Dickson and David Wojnarowicz, in order to illuminate the relationship between such practices and the social structures which shaped such activity. In so doing, I conclude that artists were both constrained and enabled by these contexts, thus providing a more complex picture of their place in art history.

The dance house and folk artisans movements have developed into such a youth subculture in the cultural scope of the socialist Hungary, which the Kádárian cultural policy could support only partially, it was rather placed at the borderland between the 'tolerated' and 'banned' categories. The so-called Nomadic Generation was attached to the developing domestic dissident opposition just as well as to the cross border Hungarian intelligentsia through many threads, which seemed to be undesirable for those in power. This study outlines a general picture on the characteristics of the folklorist-movement of the 1970s and 1980s, thought to be dissident in nature, then it will show through examples of different life courses and case studies how the search for new paths materialized in folk handicrafts, and what impact this era exerted on the folk artisanship in the period after the political transition.

This paper discusses industrial and economic adjustment in France in the 1980s. Itargues that French industry followed a path of adjustment throughout the decade,which was fundamentally different from both the German-Japanese style organisedcapitalism, and the US-UK type of deregulated capitalism. The analysis attributesthis to the structure and integration of the French political, financial andadministrative élite. Combining historical institutional analysis and insights from thenew economics of organisation, the paper also elaborates elements of amethodological alternative to traditional neo-classical and institutionalist arguments. ; Diese Arbeit analysiert den Wirtschaftswandel in Frankreich in den 80er Jahren. Die Autoren argumentieren, daß die Industrie in Frankreich in dieser Dekade einem Anpassungspfad folgte, der sich sowohl von dem organisierten Kapitalismus nach deutsch-japanischem Muster als auch von dem des deregulierten angelsächsischen Kapitalismus grundsätzlich unterscheidet. Die Analyse kommt zu dem Schluß, daß dies auf die Funktion und die Rolle der politischen, ökonomischen und administrativen Eliten in Frankreich zurückzuführen ist. Durch die Verknüpfung von Argumenten des historischen Institutionalismus und der neuen Organisationsökonmie werden in diesem Papier auch Elemente einer methodologischen Alternative zu den traditionellen neoklassischen und institutionalistischen Ansätzen bearbeitet.

In the years following the Vietnam War in 1975 and the especially during the year leading up to the Sino-Vietnamese War in 1978, more than one million people were forced to flee the war-torn countries of Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos. The Vietnamese people who were displaced from their homes were placed in refugee camps all over south eastern Asia. These Vietnamese refugees were known as the "boat people".This essay will explore the lives of these "boat people" during their times as a displaced person and their journey to Canada. It will also examine the policies and programs that made it possible for the "boat people" to resettle in Canada, along with the public opinion surrounding these refugees. This will be done through the use of a variety of secondary and primary sources such as monographs, journal articles, news articles, government documents, interviews, and other sources. One source in particular is an interview of a Vietnamese family and their journey as Vietnamese refugees to becoming Canadian citizens.

Part 1: IT Policy ; International audience ; In the 1950s and 1960s computers became part and parcel of the great modernization project – the creation of the modern welfare state. The ability to control and rationalize provided by the digital technology proved indispensable for the expanding public sector as well as for trade and business. At the turn of the decade, the effects of the new technology on Swedish society became increasingly apparent. This paper examines the debate on computer and politics in Sweden during the 1970s and the 1980s. It particularly discusses two issues that were hotly debated: integrity and jobs. The debate was occupied with the centralized solutions and systemic effects large-scale computing implied. In this debate computing technology was perceived as a threat, but at the same time there was a widely shared belief amongst debaters that it was possible to take control of the technology.

International audience ; The concept of leisure offers an interesting prism for the analysis of the community arts movement in Britain. The emergence of community arts from the late 1960s was closely related to a critique of the exclusive character of mainstream art appreciation and practice and to the struggle for people's access to the means of cultural production. As a tool, leisure was used by practioners to enable the expression of usually unheard voices, thus fostering processes of "authorisation". Instead of being considered as a secondary claim, access to leisure, with its rich associations with play, "fun" and recreation, was given pride of place in the movement's practical and political framework. It became a political aim: that of opening alternative spaces and of harnessing the dynamic and subversive dimension of creative expression in the encouragement of collective action at a local level. In a crucial way, community arts projects asserted the equal validity of all cultural forms and signifying practices, therefore challenging classical definitions of art. The cultural pluralism advocated by community artists confronted the distinction between "high" and "low" culture and sought instead to redefine art around the concept of expression, away from the figure of the individual artist and towards the possibility of co-authorship in the production of collective meanings. The article analyses the politics of leisure produced by community arts organisations both in discourse and practice. Based on archival sources from several organisations as well as interviews with former members, the study offers a survey of different practices and identifies core principles of the movement: accessibility, collective action, empowerment, and cultural democracy. These themes were jeopardized in the 1980s, in the context of the successive Conservative governments.

International audience ; The concept of leisure offers an interesting prism for the analysis of the community arts movement in Britain. The emergence of community arts from the late 1960s was closely related to a critique of the exclusive character of mainstream art appreciation and practice and to the struggle for people's access to the means of cultural production. As a tool, leisure was used by practioners to enable the expression of usually unheard voices, thus fostering processes of "authorisation". Instead of being considered as a secondary claim, access to leisure, with its rich associations with play, "fun" and recreation, was given pride of place in the movement's practical and political framework. It became a political aim: that of opening alternative spaces and of harnessing the dynamic and subversive dimension of creative expression in the encouragement of collective action at a local level. In a crucial way, community arts projects asserted the equal validity of all cultural forms and signifying practices, therefore challenging classical definitions of art. The cultural pluralism advocated by community artists confronted the distinction between "high" and "low" culture and sought instead to redefine art around the concept of expression, away from the figure of the individual artist and towards the possibility of co-authorship in the production of collective meanings. The article analyses the politics of leisure produced by community arts organisations both in discourse and practice. Based on archival sources from several organisations as well as interviews with former members, the study offers a survey of different practices and identifies core principles of the movement: accessibility, collective action, empowerment, and cultural democracy. These themes were jeopardized in the 1980s, in the context of the successive Conservative governments.

In many ways there could not be a more fascinating method to investigate how Taiwan's Chinese Nationalist Party (Guomindang, KMT) Government defined itself as the representative government of all of China in the 1960s and 1970s than to consider its state-sanctioned film industry. The films produced by the state represent ideas of national unity and a glorious "homeland" during decades that witnessed the most intense of transformations : in film with the rise and eventual decline of the popularity of Taiwan cinema in Southeast Asia, in literature with the xiangtu (nativist literature) debates, in the economy as factories and the emergence of small business replaced an agricultural infrastructure, and in politics with the end of the Nationalist's international status after losing its seat in the United Nations in 1971. At each stage the state propagated its ideal of "free China" for all to see on the silver screen -- an ideal made all the more complicated by competing regional and cultural influences : from the west by the People's Republic of China, from the north by the heritage of Japanese colonialism, from the east by the United States of America's concurrent military and economic aid, and from the south where a vast capitalist market was governed by lines drawn during the Cold War. Thus, situating these multiple discourses involves both a historical analysis, that is to bring the material and historical moment to light, and a cultural analysis, that is to consider how it is that the state believed images produced in a pop-medium might bolster a government's political status as its films competed on the open market. This dissertation both excavates the socio- historical context of Taiwan in the 1960s and 1970s in part by way of on site research in Taiwan thanks to the Ministry of Education (Taiwan, R.O.C.) "Talent Cultivation Project of Taiwanese Literature, History and Art in Globalization" Grant, and it pays close attention to the cinematic form using the lens of cultural studies. All the while it remains focused on the primary motivation for this project : a curiosity to explore a blank space on the map of English language scholarship concerning Mandarin language Taiwan cinema

Shin, Kei-Wah Victor. ; "November 2010." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 177-198). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgments --- p.iv ; Table of Contents --- p.vi ; List of Tables --- p.ix ; List of Figures --- p.xii ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Framing the Puzzles --- p.1 ; "INTRODUCING: ""The Curious Case of. a Fallen 'Asian Hollywood'""" --- p.3 ; METHOD AND DATA --- p.6 ; STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS --- p.12 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- ""The Blind Side"" of Existing Explanations" --- p.15 ; CONVENTIONAL EXPLANATIONS --- p.17 ; Triad Intrusion and Piracy --- p.17 ; Hasty and Unpolished Productions --- p.19 ; EXPLANATIONS DERIVED FROM THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES --- p.21 ; The Cultural Imperialism approach --- p.22 ; The Cultural-flows/ Network approach --- p.27 ; Suppositions related to the Cultural-flows/ Network approach --- p.32 ; The Reception approach --- p.36 ; The Cultural Policy and Strategies approach --- p.41 ; What about the Receiving Countries? --- p.46 ; THE POLITICAL-CULTURAL APPROACH --- p.48 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- The "Bloom´ح in the 1970s and the 1980s --- p.53 ; "THE ""BLOOM""" --- p.53 ; BRINGING IN THE POLITICAL-CULTURAL APPROACH --- p.57 ; THE INDUSTRIAL SETTING OF THE HONG KONG FILM MARKET VIS-A-VIS HOLLYWOOD --- p.59 ; THE SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF THE HONG KONG FILM MARKET --- p.62 ; From Studio System to Independent Production System since the 1970s --- p.63 ; The Revenue-sharing Structure --- p.68 ; """CONCEPTIONS OF CONTROL"" IN THE HONG KONG FILM MARKET (1970s - 1980s)" --- p.70 ; Distributor-driven Exhibition --- p.72 ; Distributor-driven Production --- p.75 ; HONG KONG FILM INDUSTRY AT ITS PEAK IN THE LATE 1980s --- p.81 ; SUMMARY --- p.88 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- "The ""Twilight"" since the mid-1990s" --- p.91 ; WHAT HAPPENED DURING THE 1990s? --- p.91 ; The Plot in Brief --- p.92 ; THE KEY TO SUCCESS TURNS INTO A SOURCE OF STRESS --- p.97 ; "Conventional Practices inscribed in the ...

Recent decades have witnessed increased public concern about vehicle emissions and growing frustrationwith political inaction and business preferences for the status quo. This article provides historical perspectiveon such regulatory dynamics by analyzing the Swiss and the Swedish cases of vehicle emission governance inthe1970s-1980s. Relying on archival documents detailing the policy process in both countries as well as oninternational regulatory arenas, the analysis focuses on political solutions for reducing the toxicity of vehicleemissions. It uncovers the influence of national as well as international business groups and the existence ofthe tension between various national ministries, arising from conflicting environmental and trade-relatedgoals. Is also highlights the importance of different institutional settings in creating the expertise to explainthe political outcomes. While the Swiss corporatist system gave a great deal of power to a variety of interestgroups at each stage of the political process, the Swedish government invested significant resources in thecreation of independent expertise and enjoyed a relative autonomy, despite the importance of the Swedishcar industry. The analysis also assesses the importance of the Swiss–Swedish collaboration in overcomingcertain obstacles and their contribution to the implementation of stricter regulations in Europe thatultimately occurred at the margins of the European Economic Community.

Source at http://www.alphavillejournal.com/. ; The article considers one dominant tendency of independent filmmaking, and its impact on the treatment of the refugee (broadly conceived): the application of contemporary documentary methods to both fiction and nonfiction works. The goal is a preliminary exploration of the complex, context-sensitive political effects of the approach, sometimes dubbed the "documentary style", as resistance of (and/or submission to) the hegemonic global-nationalist order. To this end, the paper investigates specifically how such filmmaking efforts may—or may not—redirect the phenomenological vehicle of imagination away from narrow nationalist imaginaries towards a broader humanist identification and emotional (and normative) investment in the stranger or "the other" per se. The focus is on two works in particular, Another News Story (Orban Wallace, 2017) and Before Summer Ends (Avant la fin de l'été, Maryam Goormaghtigh, 2017), identifying how the filmmakers' broadly pluralistic techniques help avoid the potentially dehumanising pitfalls of more didactic approaches, but also generate their own potential limitations. While the slackening of the subject's categorical—and the plot's narrative—shape may be liberating, it also risks a phenomenological disconnection on the part of the potentially interested spectator. The cognitive effects—including impediments to memory and recall—may thus weaken the work's potential as a vehicle of cultural awareness and social identification.

Abstract: The article analyzes the political and theoretical potentialof cinematographic language to express and rebuild the relationship between sexual and gender differences. As cultural products, the three films analyzed - A Casa Assassinada (1972), Sunday, bloody Sunday (1971) and Les Amities Particulières (1964) - allude to feminist issues of the time, as well as instigating a reading of gender beyond the narratives, by historicizing the visibility of the female body, heteronormativity, and the subversiveness of forbidden loves as represented through the films' structure. The text argues, from a queer perspective, that the aesthetic nature of twist cinema, within the limits of each style and period, was precisely the boldness to run risks in its visual grammar, not making political concessions in challenging the moral canons of current society.

The aim of this thesis is to explore the ramifications of surveillance by comparing aspects of the surveilled states of the GDR and NI during the 1970sand 1980s and their effects. This study will focus on the historical techniques and commonalties exploited by both states, exploringthe influential factors underlying the acceptance of surveillance, along with their impact on individual stakeholders, communities and societies. Foucault,who plays a key role in the theoretical framework of this thesis, in Discipline and Punishprovides ananalysis of Jeremy Bentham's panopticonsuggests, in which he perceivedthe constant threat of surveillance has an altering effect on individual behaviour, surveillanceas Foucault argues:'becomes an internalized disciplinary mechanism that is embedded in social structures and evokes self-regulation' (Foucault,1979,p.15)Current studies have yet to determinewhat impact these surveillance practices will have on the way we function, both as a society and a communities and what influence it will have on the way we interact and communicate with each other.