Understanding Urban Riots
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Understanding Urban Riots" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Understanding Urban Riots" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: Violence: an international journal, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 166-184
ISSN: 2633-0032
Violence depends not only on long-standing background conditions but on time-patterns that determine when and if it breaks out, how long it lasts and how severe it is. Advances in recording technology including video cameras and CCTV have made it possible to locate turning points and sequences on the micro level. Different scales of violence have different time-dynamics, ranging from micro to meso to macro. These include the following: micro-rhythms (fractions of seconds) of synchronization and dominance in setting rhythms in face-to-face interaction; violence-triggering thresholds (a few minutes or less) in small groups, where boredom makes violence abort; tension-building danger time-zones (lasting a few hours) in organized crowds; revolutionary tipping points (a few days); duration of riots (a few days, but several weeks long if the riot moves from place to place or is intermittently scheduled); mass crisis and hysteria zone of national solidarity, rapidly reaching a plateau and lasting 3 to 6 months before declining; and macro time-forks, where sudden victory is relatively low in casualties, but where a stalemate leads to years of dispersed conflict with high attrition costs.
In: Social science quarterly, Band 51, Heft 2, S. 339-348
ISSN: 0038-4941
This study challenges the spate of literature that has appeared in recent yrs which supports the 'deprivation theory' of Ur soc unrest. The deprivation thesis asserts that Ur hostilities are attributable to the low SES of Ur racial minorities. On the basis of detailed multiple regression analyses, it is concluded that the connections between SE deprivation & Ur disorders are neither simple nor direct. It is further suggested that additional theoretical & empirical res is needed to ascertain, sci'ly, the 'causes' of riots. AA.
Part I. The Bajío. Vanishing Indianness : pacification and the production of race in the 1767 Bajío riots -- "So that they may be free of all those things" : theorizing collective action in the Bajío riots -- From the country to the city : movement, labor, and race at the end of the eighteenth century -- Part II. Haiti. The domino affect : Haiti, New Spain, and the racial pedagogy of distance -- Staging fear and freedom : Haiti's shifting proximities at the time of Mexican independence -- Haiti in Mexico's early republican context -- Part III. Yucatán. On criminality, race, and labor : indenture and the Caste War -- The shapes of a desert : the racial cartographies of the Caste War -- "Barbarous Mexico" : racialized coercive labor from Sonora to Yucatán.
In: British journal of political science, Band 51, Heft 3, S. 909-923
ISSN: 1469-2112
AbstractGiven the prevalence of riots throughout human history, the lack of normative theorizing about them compared to other forms of political violence is striking. The author hypothesizes that this is due to riots' extra-institutionality. Riots areextra-publicbecause they involve the participation of crowds, rather than institutionalized groups such as parties or social movements. They areextra-statebecause they violate the state's monopoly on violence. Riots areextra-legalbecause they constitute a form of unlawful assembly. They are alsoextra-parliamentarybecause they operate outside the normal legislative process. This article considers justifiable reasons to resist each of these foundational institutions, and proposes provisional criteria for a justifiable riot. The author concludes by urging political theorists to further examine the normative dimension of riots.
peer-reviewed ; This paper explores the concept of "community engagement," a central theme within a British research project examining the issues of cultural sustainability among faith-based schools. Discussion is informed by the views of Muslim and Jewish school community stakeholders at the time when the policy of social cohesion was being legally introduced into schools in the United Kingdom. The article provides: (a) an introduction to the context of the British government agenda on "community cohesion" (promoting greater knowledge, respect, and contact between groups within the community) in the aftermath of 9/11, the riots in northern towns in England in 2001, and the bombings in London; (b) an historical perspective on the establishment of denominational schooling in the UK with reference to Muslim and Jewish schools; (c) explication of the research design; (d) exploration of the theory and conceptualisation of community cohesion drawing on qualitative data from the study; and (f) the implications raised for policy and practice in all schools.
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This paper explores the concept of "community engagement," a central theme within a British research project examining the issues of cultural sustainability among faith-based schools. Discussion is informed by the views of Muslim and Jewish school community stakeholders at the time when the policy of social cohesion was being legally introduced into schools in the United Kingdom. The article provides: (a) an introduction to the context of the British government agenda on "community cohesion" (promoting greater knowledge, respect, and contact between groups within the community) in the aftermath of 9/11, the riots in northern towns in England in 2001, and the bombings in London; (b) an historical perspective on the establishment of denominational schooling in the UK with reference to Muslim and Jewish schools; (c) explication of the research design; (d) exploration of the theory and conceptualisation of community cohesion drawing on qualitative data from the study; and (f) the implications raised for policy and practice in all schools.
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Given the prevalence of riots throughout human history, the lack of normative theorizing about riots when compared to other forms of political violence is striking. I hypothesize this is due to the riot's extra-institutionality. Riots are extra-public because crowds riot rather than institutionalized groups such as parties or social movements. Riots are extra-state because they violate the state's monopoly on violence. Riots are extra-legal because they are a form of unlawful assembly. Riots are extra-Parliamentary because they operate outside of the normal legislative process. By considering the justifiable reasons for resisting each of these foundational institutions I propose some provisional criteria for a justifiable riot and argue that political theorists should pay attention to the normative dimension of riots.
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Theorizing crowds, riots and public disorder -- The riots of 2001 : an overview and comparison of Oldham, Burnley and Bradford -- Accounts of how the Bradford riot began -- Diversity, motivations and targets : the dynamics of a crowd of citizens -- "Take me to your leader" : reflections on power, "race" and the politics of rioting -- "Outsiders in our own country" : the interpersonal consequences of rioting -- Disciplined and punished : strategic repression and the shaming of a community -- Citizenship, generation and ethnic identity -- The emergence of community cohesion
In: Political studies, Band 23, Heft 2-3, S. 225-231
ISSN: 0032-3217
The main characteristics of democratic theory in the US in the thirty years following 1776 are compared to those of the three decades before 1976. The ideas of the founding fathers were based on the theory of popular sovereignty & the theory of pluralism. These were both accepted in the US mainly due to the widespread belief that most political leaders were basically untrustworthy. Each theory was seen as a means of protecting the populace from such leaders. Currently, these themes are still discussed but with a different emphasis. Popular sovereignty has changed from referring to the sovereignty of the people to emphasizing the virtues of public participation. Sectional & geographic pluralism has been replaced by pressure group pluralism; pluralism in general has been discredited by events such as ideological conflicts & race riots. Political scientists are adopting a more radical stance as exemplified by the work of H. Kariel, P. Bachrach, & T. Lowi. M. Migalski.
In: Discourses of law
1. Introduction -- 2. Visual jurisprudence : the new paradigm -- 3. Law's screen life : visualizing law in practice -- 4. Images run riot : law on the landscape of the neo-baroque -- 5. Theorizing the visual sublime : law's legitimation reconsidered -- 6. The digital challenge : command and control culture and the ethical sublime -- 7. Conclusion : visualizing law's rhetorical ideal.
In: Race & class: a journal on racism, empire and globalisation, Band 43, Heft 2, S. 7-22
ISSN: 0306-3968
Maintains that racism in GB was viewed as either psychological misunderstanding or culture clash until a 1999 report found widespread institutional racism. The history of race theorizing is traced, noting a post-1972 shift in research from black people to white institutions. Examination of the Race Relations Act of 1976, which outlawed indirect discrimination in employment, education, housing, & provision of goods, contends that it was not enough to stem growing discontent among blacks or prevent the 1981 Brixton riot. It is argued that the report of a judicial inquiry whitewashed the rioting, set back analyses of racism, & led to a series of ineffectual antiracist programs. The effects of the 1999 report are discussed. It is maintained that the concept of institutionalized racism is being diluted & ways of dealing with it are being undermined, primarily because of an unwillingness to address state racism that determines race relations in society through immigration/asylum laws & the administration of public services. 37 References. J. Lindroth
In: International journal of Middle East studies: IJMES, Band 45, Heft 4, S. 647-649
ISSN: 1471-6380
This issue of IJMES features seven full-length articles and a roundtable on "theorizing violence." While we were preparing the articles for publication in June and early July, the conflict in Syria was escalating, the Turkish state was suppressing protests in Gezi Park, and the situation in Egypt took a precipitous turn when the military killed more than fifty Muslim Brotherhood supporters. As our colleagues writing in more time-sensitive venues such as Jadaliyya, Facebook, and personal blogs scrambled to keep up with events, we decided to take a broader look at scholarly approaches to the study of violence. For the roundtable, we asked seven political scientists, historians, and anthropologists working on the Middle East and South Asia to reflect on "violence" as a theoretical category across the disciplines. The responses move from introductory reflections on studying, teaching, and writing about violence by our new board member Laleh Khalili, who helped us organize the roundtable, to conceptualizations of violence "from above" employed by colonial, postcolonial, and neoliberal states (Khalili, Daniel Neep), through everyday and crisis-linked forms of sexual violence (Veena Das) and violence "from below," whether in the forms of communal riots and suicide bombing (Faisal Devji) or self-immolation, hunger strikes, and other acts of self-destruction (Banu Bargu), to reflections on violence and nonviolence in Gezi Park (Yeşim Arat). The roundtable concludes with a broad-sweep analysis of most of the above in relation to (inter)disciplinarity and to Middle Eastern modernity by our board member James McDougall.
In: Routledge Studies in Eighteenth-Century Cultures and Societies Ser.
Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Figures -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- A Brief History of Commercial Interest Politics -- Political Economy and Imperial Governance Between ca. 1720 and the 1790s -- Notes -- Chapter 1: Commercial credibility and imperial expansion: Establishing the Whig establishment -- Whig economies before the Bubble -- Parliament and the colonies: Wood's halfpence and the Credit Act -- Autarky and Improvement: Theorizing Mercantile Imperialism -- "Merchant experts" and the regulation of information -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Chapter 2: "Imaginary wants" and the limits of empire -- Colonization and naturalization: population as an engine of growth -- Parliament out of bounds -- "Imaginary wants" and demand-centred political economy: the challenge to the establishment -- Vital statistics and the appropriation of political arithmetic -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Chapter 3: Public safety, public interest: The militia and the Seven Years "War for commerce" -- Patriots and the Seven Years "War for commerce" -- The Militia -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Chapter 4: Economies of allegiance: The Quebec Act -- Canadian commerce and Whig interest politics -- Neo-Toryism and the rejection of interest politics -- Neo-Toryism and the Quebec Act -- Colonial Catholics and the decline of Jacobitism -- The Quebec Act and provisions crisis -- French Canadian loyalty and the American Revolution -- Conclusion -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- Chapter 5: Imperial wealth and disreputable interests: Ireland and the Stamp Act -- Irish politics and Irish patriotism: the 1748 election -- Irish politics and Irish patriotism: money bills and riots -- The Stamp Act: taxation and representation -- The Stamp Act: imperial wealth and disreputable interests -- Conclusion: Ireland after 1765 -- Notes.
In: Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements
In: Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements Ser.
Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- List of Figures -- List od Tables -- Chapter 1: Introduction: Towards a Global History of Social Movements -- Part I: Conceptual, Methodological and Theoretical Considerations -- Chapter 2: Studying Social Movements: Some Conceptual Challenges -- Defining the Subject of Research -- Asking the Relevant Questions -- Theorizing and Conceptualizing the Phenomenon Under Study -- Choosing Appropriate Methods and Sources -- Interpreting and Contextualizing Findings -- Summary and Outlook -- Further Readings -- Chapter 3: Subaltern Studies as a History of Social Movements in India -- Why Subaltern Studies? -- 'The Peasant' as Mass-Political Subject -- Subaltern Studies and Accounts of Mass Insurgencies -- Conclusion -- Further Readings -- Chapter 4: Transpacific Feminism: Writing Women's Movement from a Transnational Perspective -- Introduction -- Formation of 'Woman' and Political Movement -- Transpacific Feminism -- Conclusion -- Further Readings -- Part II: Continental Perspectives on the History of Social Movements -- Chapter 5: Social Movements in Latin America: From the Nineteenth to the Twenty-First Century -- Introduction -- Post-Independence Movements -- Anti-Oligarchic Social Movements -- The Diversity of the Nationalist Social Movements -- Social Movements and Revolutionary Resistance to Dictatorships -- Current Social Movements and Their Characteristics -- Conclusions -- Further Readings -- Chapter 6: Dissident Political History: Social Movements in North America -- Social Movements: New Versus Old? -- Social Movements in the United States: An Overview -- Further Readings -- Chapter 7: European Social Protest, 1000-2000 -- Introduction -- Protests in Pre- and Early Capitalist Society -- Peasant Protests -- Guild Battles -- Food Riots -- Workers' and Journeymen's Struggles -- Millenarian Movements