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"Understanding Urban Riots" published on by Oxford University Press.

This study challenges the spate of literature that has appeared in recent yrs which supports the 'deprivation theory' of Ur soc unrest. The deprivation thesis asserts that Ur hostilities are attributable to the low SES of Ur racial minorities. On the basis of detailed multiple regression analyses, it is concluded that the connections between SE deprivation & Ur disorders are neither simple nor direct. It is further suggested that additional theoretical & empirical res is needed to ascertain, sci'ly, the 'causes' of riots. AA.

Violence depends not only on long-standing background conditions but on time-patterns that determine when and if it breaks out, how long it lasts and how severe it is. Advances in recording technology including video cameras and CCTV have made it possible to locate turning points and sequences on the micro level. Different scales of violence have different time-dynamics, ranging from micro to meso to macro. These include the following: micro-rhythms (fractions of seconds) of synchronization and dominance in setting rhythms in face-to-face interaction; violence-triggering thresholds (a few minutes or less) in small groups, where boredom makes violence abort; tension-building danger time-zones (lasting a few hours) in organized crowds; revolutionary tipping points (a few days); duration of riots (a few days, but several weeks long if the riot moves from place to place or is intermittently scheduled); mass crisis and hysteria zone of national solidarity, rapidly reaching a plateau and lasting 3 to 6 months before declining; and macro time-forks, where sudden victory is relatively low in casualties, but where a stalemate leads to years of dispersed conflict with high attrition costs.

In bulletins from Britain and Ireland since 1969, Glengormley, like dozens of other place-names in Northern Ireland, has come to signify a site where more violence has occurred: another shooting, bombing, riot. In the context of a politics so grim that it never allows cultural productions the luxury of mere introspection, Mahon's surreal figure of earnest and extravagantly self-tormented intellectuals becomes a vivid image of victims of Irish political violence. Given that the "Troubles" (as the violence is known) in the North of Ireland have lasted for a quarter of a century, and that they are the current manifestation of a history of violent opposition to colonial oppression in Ireland, Irish writing, more than any other from Western Europe, seems to support Fredric Jameson's controversial opinion that postcolonial literatures, whatever else their effect, also function in the final instance as national allegories. In his brilliant and deeply committed discussions of a series of nineteenth- and twentieth-century writers and genres, David Lloyd implicitly accepts the notion that Irish literature works as national allegory, but he does not leave unquestioned the terms upon which this relation between text and nation is negotiated. In readings of texts ranging from Irish nineteenth-century street ballads to Samuel Beckett's first work in French, he meticulously delineates the overlapping of the political and the poetic in Irish writing. He wants his readers to be clear about whose interests are being served and whose are being ignored when the political realities underlying Irish literary production are obscured. For Lloyd, Irish political reality is the result of the island's, or at least the Republic of Ireland's, postcoloniality; one claim implicit in the title of the collection is that while this postcoloniality, given the particular divisions marking Irish politics and culture, is anomalous, from the viewpoint of the diasporan intellectual this very anomaly can be a useful challenge to accepted models of postcolonial history. Lloyd's essays contribute to, and critique, debates in Ireland on viable versions of postcolonial identity; they do so by raising issues that reach beyond the matter of Ireland. In particular they encourage diasporan intellectuals to examine more rigorously the nation-state's function as clearinghouse of ideologies of community.

Part I. The Bajío. Vanishing Indianness : pacification and the production of race in the 1767 Bajío riots -- "So that they may be free of all those things" : theorizing collective action in the Bajío riots -- From the country to the city : movement, labor, and race at the end of the eighteenth century -- Part II. Haiti. The domino affect : Haiti, New Spain, and the racial pedagogy of distance -- Staging fear and freedom : Haiti's shifting proximities at the time of Mexican independence -- Haiti in Mexico's early republican context -- Part III. Yucatán. On criminality, race, and labor : indenture and the Caste War -- The shapes of a desert : the racial cartographies of the Caste War -- "Barbarous Mexico" : racialized coercive labor from Sonora to Yucatán.

AbstractGiven the prevalence of riots throughout human history, the lack of normative theorizing about them compared to other forms of political violence is striking. The author hypothesizes that this is due to riots' extra-institutionality. Riots areextra-publicbecause they involve the participation of crowds, rather than institutionalized groups such as parties or social movements. They areextra-statebecause they violate the state's monopoly on violence. Riots areextra-legalbecause they constitute a form of unlawful assembly. They are alsoextra-parliamentarybecause they operate outside the normal legislative process. This article considers justifiable reasons to resist each of these foundational institutions, and proposes provisional criteria for a justifiable riot. The author concludes by urging political theorists to further examine the normative dimension of riots.

Given the prevalence of riots throughout human history, the lack of normative theorizing about riots when compared to other forms of political violence is striking. I hypothesize this is due to the riot's extra-institutionality. Riots are extra-public because crowds riot rather than institutionalized groups such as parties or social movements. Riots are extra-state because they violate the state's monopoly on violence. Riots are extra-legal because they are a form of unlawful assembly. Riots are extra-Parliamentary because they operate outside of the normal legislative process. By considering the justifiable reasons for resisting each of these foundational institutions I propose some provisional criteria for a justifiable riot and argue that political theorists should pay attention to the normative dimension of riots.

This paper explores the concept of "community engagement," a central theme within a British research project examining the issues of cultural sustainability among faith-based schools. Discussion is informed by the views of Muslim and Jewish school community stakeholders at the time when the policy of social cohesion was being legally introduced into schools in the United Kingdom. The article provides: (a) an introduction to the context of the British government agenda on "community cohesion" (promoting greater knowledge, respect, and contact between groups within the community) in the aftermath of 9/11, the riots in northern towns in England in 2001, and the bombings in London; (b) an historical perspective on the establishment of denominational schooling in the UK with reference to Muslim and Jewish schools; (c) explication of the research design; (d) exploration of the theory and conceptualisation of community cohesion drawing on qualitative data from the study; and (f) the implications raised for policy and practice in all schools.

peer-reviewed ; This paper explores the concept of "community engagement," a central theme within a British research project examining the issues of cultural sustainability among faith-based schools. Discussion is informed by the views of Muslim and Jewish school community stakeholders at the time when the policy of social cohesion was being legally introduced into schools in the United Kingdom. The article provides: (a) an introduction to the context of the British government agenda on "community cohesion" (promoting greater knowledge, respect, and contact between groups within the community) in the aftermath of 9/11, the riots in northern towns in England in 2001, and the bombings in London; (b) an historical perspective on the establishment of denominational schooling in the UK with reference to Muslim and Jewish schools; (c) explication of the research design; (d) exploration of the theory and conceptualisation of community cohesion drawing on qualitative data from the study; and (f) the implications raised for policy and practice in all schools.

Theorizing crowds, riots and public disorder -- The riots of 2001 : an overview and comparison of Oldham, Burnley and Bradford -- Accounts of how the Bradford riot began -- Diversity, motivations and targets : the dynamics of a crowd of citizens -- "Take me to your leader" : reflections on power, "race" and the politics of rioting -- "Outsiders in our own country" : the interpersonal consequences of rioting -- Disciplined and punished : strategic repression and the shaming of a community -- Citizenship, generation and ethnic identity -- The emergence of community cohesion

The main characteristics of democratic theory in the US in the thirty years following 1776 are compared to those of the three decades before 1976. The ideas of the founding fathers were based on the theory of popular sovereignty & the theory of pluralism. These were both accepted in the US mainly due to the widespread belief that most political leaders were basically untrustworthy. Each theory was seen as a means of protecting the populace from such leaders. Currently, these themes are still discussed but with a different emphasis. Popular sovereignty has changed from referring to the sovereignty of the people to emphasizing the virtues of public participation. Sectional & geographic pluralism has been replaced by pressure group pluralism; pluralism in general has been discredited by events such as ideological conflicts & race riots. Political scientists are adopting a more radical stance as exemplified by the work of H. Kariel, P. Bachrach, & T. Lowi. M. Migalski.

1. Introduction -- 2. Visual jurisprudence : the new paradigm -- 3. Law's screen life : visualizing law in practice -- 4. Images run riot : law on the landscape of the neo-baroque -- 5. Theorizing the visual sublime : law's legitimation reconsidered -- 6. The digital challenge : command and control culture and the ethical sublime -- 7. Conclusion : visualizing law's rhetorical ideal.

Maintains that racism in GB was viewed as either psychological misunderstanding or culture clash until a 1999 report found widespread institutional racism. The history of race theorizing is traced, noting a post-1972 shift in research from black people to white institutions. Examination of the Race Relations Act of 1976, which outlawed indirect discrimination in employment, education, housing, & provision of goods, contends that it was not enough to stem growing discontent among blacks or prevent the 1981 Brixton riot. It is argued that the report of a judicial inquiry whitewashed the rioting, set back analyses of racism, & led to a series of ineffectual antiracist programs. The effects of the 1999 report are discussed. It is maintained that the concept of institutionalized racism is being diluted & ways of dealing with it are being undermined, primarily because of an unwillingness to address state racism that determines race relations in society through immigration/asylum laws & the administration of public services. 37 References. J. Lindroth

Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- List of Figures -- List od Tables -- Chapter 1: Introduction: Towards a Global History of Social Movements -- Part I: Conceptual, Methodological and Theoretical Considerations -- Chapter 2: Studying Social Movements: Some Conceptual Challenges -- Defining the Subject of Research -- Asking the Relevant Questions -- Theorizing and Conceptualizing the Phenomenon Under Study -- Choosing Appropriate Methods and Sources -- Interpreting and Contextualizing Findings -- Summary and Outlook -- Further Readings -- Chapter 3: Subaltern Studies as a History of Social Movements in India -- Why Subaltern Studies? -- 'The Peasant' as Mass-Political Subject -- Subaltern Studies and Accounts of Mass Insurgencies -- Conclusion -- Further Readings -- Chapter 4: Transpacific Feminism: Writing Women's Movement from a Transnational Perspective -- Introduction -- Formation of 'Woman' and Political Movement -- Transpacific Feminism -- Conclusion -- Further Readings -- Part II: Continental Perspectives on the History of Social Movements -- Chapter 5: Social Movements in Latin America: From the Nineteenth to the Twenty-First Century -- Introduction -- Post-Independence Movements -- Anti-Oligarchic Social Movements -- The Diversity of the Nationalist Social Movements -- Social Movements and Revolutionary Resistance to Dictatorships -- Current Social Movements and Their Characteristics -- Conclusions -- Further Readings -- Chapter 6: Dissident Political History: Social Movements in North America -- Social Movements: New Versus Old? -- Social Movements in the United States: An Overview -- Further Readings -- Chapter 7: European Social Protest, 1000-2000 -- Introduction -- Protests in Pre- and Early Capitalist Society -- Peasant Protests -- Guild Battles -- Food Riots -- Workers' and Journeymen's Struggles -- Millenarian Movements

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of Figures -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: The Making of Black Womanhood -- Authenticity in Representation -- The Political Life of Black Dolls -- Black Popular Imagination and Corporate Alignment -- Structure of the Book -- 1. Theorizing Black Women's Cultural Influence through Consumption -- Consumption as Ideological Renegotiation -- Black Bodies in the Fight for Symbolic Power -- Black Women's Self-Objectification -- Consumption for Black Girls: Objecthood, Desire, and Play -- Conclusion -- 2. From Riots to Style: The History of Black Barbie -- Barbie and Other Material Girls: Mattel's Early Black Dolls -- Learning Black Self-Determination: The Rise and Fall of Shindana Toy Company -- Black Women Are Dynamite: Black Barbie Comes to Mattel -- Black Women Are Marvelous: The Shani Dolls -- Mapping Blackness (Again) at Mattel: So In Style dolls -- Confluence in Selling Twenty-first-Century Blackness -- 3. From Bootstraps to Glass Slippers: Black Women's Uplift in Disney's Princess Canon -- Black Uplift Breadcrumbs: Popular Culture, Consumption, and Black Citizenship -- Colorblind Magic: Black Cinderella Debuts at Disney -- Treat Me Like a Person: Black Cinderella Makes Her Television Debut -- Historical, Geographic, and Contextual Blackness: The Magic of a New Orleans Princess -- Lessons from Glass Slippers, Star Wishes, and Black Cultural Traditions -- Commodifying Black Women's Experiences for Glass-Slipper Wishes -- 4. A Black Barbie's Moment: Nicki Minaj and the Struggle for Cultural Dominance -- Barbie Bitch!: The Construction of Hip-Hop's Barbie -- Black Cinderella and Fairy Godmother: Nicki's "Moment 4 Life" -- From Embodied Objectification to Appropriated Object: Minaj and Social Media Consumption -- Black Ass Goes Viral: Nicki Minaj's "Anaconda".