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It is commonly argued that the private sector needs to become actively involved for society to stand a chance of solving the most pressing global problems. This thesis, consisting of five articles previously published in refereed journals and an introductory essay, studies one case of private actor participation in global environmental governance: the Kyoto Protocol's Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). Through the CDM, actors from developed countries can use emission reduction credits from projects implemented in developing countries to count against their own binding emission reduction targets under the Kyoto Protocol. The CDM provides a very active role for private actors compared to most other intergovernmental governance processes, as both the implementation and supervision of projects have been delegated to private actors. The contribution of this thesis is both theoretical and empirical. Theoretically, the thesis argues that private actor involvement in 'hybrid' governance arrangements, involving both public and private actors, is not a homogenous phenomenon but can take many different forms. A distinction is therefore introduced between hybrid governance with 'delegated', 'joint', and 'entrepreneurial' authority. Empirically, the thesis discusses whether private actor participation in the CDM has contributed to increased effectiveness. One of the main reasons for delegating certain tasks to private actors in global environmental governance is to increase cost-effectiveness. Nevertheless, a key conclusion of the thesis is that, in practice, the involvement of private actors in the CDM has not furthered cost-effectiveness in any of the examples studied. As counter-intuitive as it might sound, delegating the tasks of implementing and supervising projects to private actors seems to have reduced cost-effectiveness in the CDM. Even though private actors, following a logic of profit maximization, have actively strived for reducing costs, the concurrent reduction in the quality of both projects being implemented and of project supervision has offset any gains made in this regard. It is likely that a large part of the projects implemented through the CDM would have been realized also without the incentive provided by the mechanism, which means that they do not reduce net emissions. If projects do not reduce net emissions, they cannot be cost-effective no matter how cheap they are to implement. Is it a good idea to involve private actors in a future climate agreement, or any other global environmental governance arrangement, then? In the end, it all comes down to how it is done. Trying to channel the interests of private actors towards public interests such as climate protection might be both tempting and necessary for saving the environment, but as the example of the CDM shows, unless the involvement of private actors is wisely designed, engaging them in global environmental governance may reduce rather than increase effectiveness. Future research should therefore continue to scrutinize the merits of different types of hybrid governance arrangements.

This work concerns the mutualist governance. From a frame of analysis based on legitimacy theory, we tried to understand how appears legitimacy in mutual organisation context today. The proposal is that it exists inevitably a gap between the legitimacy built by managers and the legitimacy perceived by the stakeholders. Managers display then strategies of legitimization by a communication based on mutualist references. The mutualist model would become a management tool. In a phase of quantitative research with the involved stakeholders, we identify a common base shared between stakeholders, as well as a mutualist gap, which concerns the perception that the company masters its projet and contributes to the territory. A typology of the stakeholders is drawn up around a horizontal split. The qualitative analysis of speech reveals different patterns, based on communication, politics and management. ; Ce travail porte sur la gouvernance mutualiste. A partir d'un cadre d'analyse fondé sur la légitimité, nous avons cherché à comprendre comment s'exprime la légitimité en contexte mutualiste aujourd'hui. La proposition faite est qu'il existe nécessairement un gap entre la légitimité construite par les dirigeants et la légitimité perçue par les parties prenantes. Les dirigeants déploient alors des stratégies de légitimation par une communication mutualiste. Le modèle mutualiste deviendrait un outil de gestion des parties prenantes. Dans une phase de recherche quantitative auprès des parties prenantes impliquées, nous identifions un socle commun partagé ainsi qu'un gap mutualiste, qui porte sur la perception que l'entreprise maîtrise son projet et contribue au territoire. Une typologie des parties prenantes est dressée autour d'un clivage horizontal. L'analyse qualitative de discours révèle des systèmes de références sensiblement différents selon les entreprises. Nous distinguons trois approches dans la gestion de la légitimité en contexte mutualiste : communicationnelle, politique et managériale.

In 2005 the United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction introduced the 'Hyogo Framework for Action' (HFA) aimed at mainstreaming disaster risk reduction. Subsequently, the 'Global Network for Disaster Reduction' (GNDR) was formed to support the implementation of the HFA. The GNDR initiated a country-based, international research project called 'Views from the Frontline' (VFL) in order to measure progress at local level in terms of compliance with the HFA. The VFL 2011 project focused on local risk governance, which is critical for effective implementation of policy and provision of resources at grassroots level. This article provides insight into the findings for South Africa. The project made use of quantitative and qualitative data. Quantitative data was gathered by means of a survey and/or questionnaire consisting of 20 questions on 'indicators' which assessed progress toward the goals of the HFA. The surveys also provided for qualitative commentary. The target population for this research consisted of local government officials and community representatives. Based on the quantitative scores for all the different indicators, the research showed that South Africa could still improve significantly in terms of compliance with the HFA. More attention must be given to operationalise the HFA at local level, a culture of safety must be fostered, local actors and communities must be involved directly and consulted, indigenous knowledge must be recognised, and significant capacity development for disaster risk reduction is necessary. ; https://doi.org/10.4102/jamba.v5i2.82

Local governments in pursuit of their objectives have become increasingly dependent on the private and third sector actors. New Public Governance (NPG) is an approach to understand the production and delivery of public services in a fragmented and pluralist society. The development of health care and social services and the creation of service innovations have been a part of the ongoing change. Local governments have started to search for new approaches to service delivery in co-operation with private firms and third sector organizations. This study focuses on the role of local government as a meta-governor in creating and developing a service innovation called the Kotitori model in Tampere, Finland. Meta-governance is needed to govern complexity and plurality in a network society. Local authorities can exercise power by using meta-governance tools while sharing the responsibility for public governance with other actors. The results of this study suggest that tools provided by NPG theory can be identified in the process of developing a service innovation. Thus, it may be that local governments should use both hands-on and hand-off meta-governance tools in order to exercise successful meta-governance. The results also suggest that adequacy of the different meta-governance tools differs according to the stage of the innovation process. In this sense this study provides also new insight to the theory of NPG.

In this paper I would like to investigate the situation of Japanese labor market especially atypical employment (part-timer, contract employee and dispatching worker etc.) after 1990. In the first part, I would like to investigate the process of deregulation of Japanese labor market after 1990 and increase of atypical employment of Japanese enterprises as the effect of this deregulation. After the boom period with high inflation from 1885 to 1990, the bubble economy crashed at 1990 and the Heisei depression began. Many enterprises including large enterprises stopped to accept new college graduates as employee. But they wished to accept rather atypical workers. The deregulation of labor market was carried out in 1990er under the effect of the globalization in this period. The enterprises of the manufacturing industries wished to cut down the productive costs of their companies from the pressure of international competition of other countries, which can use cheaper wages. And further the neo-liberalism stream influenced on Japanese enterprises and politicians. The Japanese government under the Prime Minister Koizumi and the financial minister Takenaka tried to deregulate economic regulations such as employment laws. And from this deregulation, atypical employment increased not only in special sectors but also in ordinary manufacture. In the second part, I would like to investigate the effect of the world financial crisis upon the atypical employment after 2008, namely drastic increase of employment losses of atypical employment with short social safety nets. As the increase of atypical employment in this period was too rapid and the social safety net for this atypical employment was not sufficiently equipped, many atypical employee have lost their work for example in automobile industry and electric industry from September,2008 and as consequence their situation became worse. In the third part, I would like to investigate how Japanese corporate governance has changed from the impact of increasing of atypical employee.

AbstractResearch has recognized that states enable or constrain private governance initiatives, but we still know too little about the interactions between private and public authority in the governance of various social and environmental problems. This article examines how states have responded to the emergence of forest and fisheries certification programs, and how state responses have influenced the subsequent development of these programs. It is argued that historical and structural differences in the management of forest and fisheries have resulted in divergent state responses to certification programs, but that both trajectories of interaction have led to a strengthening of the non‐state program. The article draws upon these cases to inductively identify types of interaction between state policies and non‐state certification programs, the causal mechanisms that shed light on interaction dynamics, and the conditions under which state involvement is likely to result in either strengthening or weakening of non‐state programs.