Suchergebnisse

This article examines the impact of Korean civil society on politics since democratization. Weak mediating institutions prevent the systematic inclusion of societal actors in the policymaking process, pitting an increasingly strengthened civil society against the state. Consequently, Korean state-society relations continue to remain contentious, posing challenges to democratic governance.

The public administration literature has long identified public administrators as key players in achieving government reform. Public managers may be motivated to provide employee access to training in governance skills by several factors, including the need to fulfill the current functions of government, to expand employee responsibilities, or to reform administrative processes and/or programs. The authors examine the impact of public managers on the availability of governance skills training by observing how the desire to achieve reform influences their training decisions in light of other motivating factors. They find that training in citizen input, client relations, and performance indicators are significantly and substantively more prevalent in organizations when public managers believe that such training is necessary for reform, and that the more "democratic" a skill, the more likely a reform motivation will outweigh other factors.

The September 2008 financial market collapse and subsequent world economic crisis have significantly influenced international scholarly debate, policy practice, and economic relations. The economic crisis has led experts and policy actors to redefine core aspects of economic governance. I analyze current competing perspectives on economic issues within the Group of Twenty (G20) and argue that discursive contestation has delegitimized previous neoclassical conventional wisdom, especially the efficient markets hypothesis. This has been rejected as a core principle of economic policy by industrialized and developing states, plus international fora. As a consequence, the bounds of rationality of individual actors and policy norms have been reconstituted. Also Keynesian policies have been implemented in important national and international contexts. I compare the contemporary situation with the post‐war "Bretton Woods era" of embedded liberalism, concluding that many recent national policies and the consolidation of international economic governance constitute an ad hoc embedded liberalism.Related Articles in this Politics & Policy Special Issue:
. 2012. "." Politics & Policy 40 (): 735‐739. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00388.x/abstract

. 2012. "." Politics & Policy 40 (): 827‐847. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00383.x/abstract

. 2012. "." Politics & Policy 40 (): 958‐977. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00386.x/abstract
Related Media: Film Clip:"." 2010. Charles Ferguson. Sony Pictures Classics. http://www.sonyclassics.com/insidejob/
El colapso de los mercados financieros en septiembre del 2008 y la subsecuente crisis económica mundial han influenciado significativamente los debates académicos internacionales, la práctica legislativa y las relaciones económicas. La crisis económica ha obligado a expertos y actores políticos a redefinir aspectos fundamentales de la gobernanza económica. Analizo diferentes perspectivas sobre asuntos económicos dentro del Grupo de los Veinte (G20) durante este periodo y sostengo que el debate discursivo ha deslegitimizado paradigmas neo‐clásicos anteriores, especialmente la hipótesis de los mercados eficientes. Esta ha sido rechazada como un principio fundamental de las políticas económicas por países industrializados y en vías de desarrollo, además de foros internacionales. Como consecuencia, los límites de la racionalidad de los actores individuales y las disposiciones legislativas han sido reformulados. Además, las políticas keynesianas han sido implementadas en importantes contextos nacionales e internacionales. Comparando la situación actual con la "era Bretton Woods" de liberalismo incorporado de la posguerra, concluyo que muchas políticas nacionales recientes y la consolidación de la gobernabilidad económica internacional constituyen un liberalismo incorporado ad hoc.

AbstractBarcelona's redevelopment has been widely celebrated for its apparently successful combination of cultural strategies with urban regeneration to address social problems. The 'Barcelona model' has evolved, however, with changing relationships between urban regeneration, the use of culture and modes of governance. The role of cultural strategy has shifted from being part of a cultural vernacular with social and political citizenship at its core to become a functional tool for ensuring social cohesion and marketing the city's brand. This is linked to a gradual dilution of bottom‐up participatory democracy in governance. Pressures for international competitiveness are challenging the sustainability of the 'Barcelona model', while local actors are trying to ensure social justice at home.RésuméLe réaménagement de Barcelone a été salué pour son alliance apparemment réussie de stratégies culturelles et de régénération urbaine destinée à remédier aux problèmes sociaux. Cependant, le 'modèle de Barcelone' a évolué avec les nouveaux rapports entre régénération urbaine, utilisation de la culture et modes de gouvernance. La stratégie culturelle a changé de rôle : de style local culturel nourrissant une citoyenneté sociale et politique, elle est devenue un outil fonctionnel visant à assurer la cohésion sociale et à commercialiser la marque de la ville. Cette situation est liée à un déclin progressif de la démocratie participative ascendante dans la gouvernance. Les tensions créées par la concurrence internationale remettent en question la pérennité du 'modèle de Barcelone', tandis que les acteurs locaux tentent de garantir la justice sociale sur place.