Suchergebnisse

This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Local Government Studies on 19th December 2011, available online: http://wwww.tandfonline.com/10.1080/03003930.2011.638372 ; This article looks at Mark Bevir's ideas on the changing nature of the modern state, as expressed in his book, 'Democratic Governance'. In the book, the author argues that recent developments in the theory and practice of politics have their intellectual roots in wider trends in the academic study of society and politics. In particular, he argues, the rise in what he and others have called 'the new governance' – that is, the shift in Britain and elsewhere away from centralised policy making and implementation by state institutions toward policy networks in which the state is merely one actor among many – has emerged as a direct consequence of the rise of ahistorical, universalist social science methodologies.

ABSTRACT This article examines discourses of indigeneity and rurality that define and classify different categories of resource users in the context of Mikea Forest environmental governance. Many Malagasy peoples live in, have deep cultural ties with, and directly depend on the island's forests, but Mikea people are the only to be legally recognized as 'indigenous peoples' as defined by Operational Directive 4.20 of the World Bank. In policy documents, scholarship, and media productions, Mikea people are represented as a small, culturally distinct population of primitive forest foragers. In contrast, other subsistence producers living in the region are represented as invasive and harmful to Mikea people and the Mikea Forest environment. However, there are significant incongruities between these representations and local history, cultural norms, and social-environmental realities. While the intent of international norms for indigenous rights in conservation and development contexts is to mitigate risk of harm and improve democratic participation among historically underrepresented peoples, this case highlights how imposed notions of indigeneity can in some cases actually increase local vulnerabilities. Mikea Forest environmental policies should be amended to mitigate risk of insecurities faced by a broad range of forest residents, Mikea and non-Mikea, due to socio-political exclusions, restricted livelihoods, and reduced territorial rights. RÉSUMÉ L'objectif de cet article est d'examiner comment dans le cadre de la mise en place de politiques publiques à l'échelle de la forêt des Mikea, et dans les discours sur l'indigénisme et la ruralité qui y sont associés, sont définies et classifiées les différentes catégories d'utilisateurs des ressources. De nombreux malgaches vivent, ont des attaches culturelles et dépendent directement des îlots forestiers pour leur subsistance ; néanmoins seuls les Mikea sont légalement reconnus comme des « peuples autochtones » tels que définis par la directive opérationnelle 4.20 de la Banque Mondiale et auraient dés lors des droits particulier sur le territoire et les forêts. Dans les textes des politiques environnementales ou dans les médias, les Mikea sont présentés comme une population autochtone au mode de vie originel et détentrice d'une culture inédite tandis que les populations voisines sont perçues comme des envahisseurs perturbant l'organisation sociale et les forêts des Mikea. Toutefois, il existe des décalages importants entre ces représentations et les réalités du terrain : les fondements de l'identité locale ne correspondent pas aux définitions officielles de l'autochtonie présentée dans les documents du développement. Les Mikea et les populations voisines sont en fait largement interdépendants et tous pratiquent un éventail d'activités économiques fondées sur les facteurs de saisonnalité, les compétences ou les demandes du marché. Contrairement aux représentations officielles présentant la culture des Mikea comme unique et autonome, ceux-ci appartiennent aux mêmes clans et partagent les mêmes pratiques que leurs voisins jugés illégitimes au regard de la gestion des territoires. L'histoire montre en outre une longue participation des peuples Mikea aux échanges commerciaux régionaux et mondiaux et des échanges constants avec les missionnaires. L'objectif des normes internationales pour les droits des peuples autochtones est de réduire les risques de vulnérabilité et d'améliorer la participation démocratique des peuples sous-représentés dans les instances officielles ; notre recherche montre au contraire que les notions imposées de l'autochtonie peuvent dans certaines situations accentuer les vulnérabilités des peuples à l'échelle locale. Les politiques environnementales concernant la forêt Mikea devraient être améliorées pour prendre en compte les insécurités rencontrées par une grande partie des résidents de la forêt, Mikea et non Mikea. Les acteurs de la conservation et du développement pourraient parvenir à mettre en place des politiques plus justes et plus démocratiques, et devraient chercher à atténuer les conséquences négatives des politiques déjà en place.

Abstract
Access to ICTs alone does not make for successful national e-governance projects in developing countries, argues Dr. Prasad. India's National e-Governance Plan, key to its administrative reform agenda, proposes to extend the Internet to the remotest of villages. Making this relevant at the local level requires participatory efforts to promote democratic practices. The foundation of this initiative is a program of e-literacy, capacity building, and installation of ubiquitous broadband-enabled computer kiosks based on entrepreneurial public-private partnerships. The best example of this is the Akshaya Centres project in Kerala, a potential model for the rest of India and other developing nations.

This lecture, delivered at Copenhagen Business School on 18 November 2011, examines the legal and constitutional methodologies underlying private commercial arbitration, national, regional and worldwide adjudication in trade and investment regulation with a particular focus on 'multilevel judicial governance' inside the European Union (EU) relating to international agreements concluded by the EU and/or its member states. It explains the need for methodological legal constitutionalism in terms of theories of justice and human rights and emphasizes the customary law requirement of interpreting treaties, and settling disputes, 'in conformity with principles of justice', human rights and fundamental freedoms. Due to the 'dual nature' of modern legal systems as positive law including 'principles of justice', judges and 'courts of justice' must define their 'constitutional functions' of 'administering justice' with due regard to procedural and substantive human rights and other 'principles of justice'. The particular context of European and international economic law (IEL) calls for interpreting the 5 competing conceptions of IEL not only in terms of (1) Westphalian conceptions of 'public international law among sovereign states', (2) 'global administrative law', (3) multilevel economic regulation and (4) international commercial and 'conflicts law', but also as part of (5) multilevel constitutional rules based on respect for legitimate 'constitutional pluralism' aimed at protecting transnational rule of law for the benefit of citizens. Arguably, both human rights and the 'rule of law' requirements of EU law justify 'cosmopolitan conceptions' of IEL protecting transnational rule of law and limiting arbitrary violations of EU law and IEL by EU institutions and member states.

CARIM-East: Creating an Observatory of Migration East of Europe ; The main goal of the study is to evaluate the present situation and to recommend improvements in the legal framework. Migration is a continuous process and is determined by political, social, economic and demographic factors. It is not a process that can be stopped by a simple decision; it can be redirected, developed and "used" for gaining benefits. At the same time, the updating of the legal framework in Moldova was directly connected to state policy, the decisions of the ruling party and the political life of the state in general. ; CARIM-East is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union.

This contribution illustrates the evolution of the Single Euro Payments Area (SEPA) as a form of European hybrid governance. The hybridity of SEPA is conceived in terms of interaction between traditional hard law, soft law and privately produced rules. The public and private systems of rules – public in the form of European directives and regulations and private in the form of multilateral agreements among payment service providers – coexist and mutually shape the structure of the European payments system. These two systems of rules have formally been produced in independent rule-making processes and by discrete rule-makers – public and private respectively. However, public actors have exercised a considerable amount of influence over the private rules. They have done so through informal, yet systematized interactions with private actors and through a series of soft laws. And vice versa, private rule-makers and privately-produced rules substantially have affected the content of public rules. The question to be asked is whether this public-private hybrid governance structure is good governance.

Governance comprises a network of interdependent connections between various actors. The performance of governance institutions should be measured, both quantitatively (efficiency, effectiveness and economy dimensions) and qualitatively (outcomes and impact on society). Such measuring endeavours should occur against the background of globally-accepted principles of �good� and �outcomes-based� governance. It should further be facilitated by the design and establishment of comprehensive monitoring and evaluation systems. The question may be asked as to what extent the South African Government complies with international best practices to measure the goodness of its policy, strategy, programme and project interventions. The focus of this article is thus to critique the system utilised by the South African Government to measure the goodness of government (institutional perspectives) as well as the goodness of governance (network, �joined-up�, societal perspectives). A macro, intermediate and micro framework is utilised for this purpose. ; http://www.up.ac.za/en/school-of-public-management-and-administration/article/42689/journals