Subnational governance strategies at the extractive frontier: collaboration and conflict in Peru
In: Territory, politics, governance, Band 11, Heft 1, S. 1-18
ISSN: 2162-268X
In: Territory, politics, governance, Band 11, Heft 1, S. 1-18
ISSN: 2162-268X
The application of the principles of good governance is not only limited to ministries and government agencies or central and regional government levels. The application of good governance needs to be extended to non-governmental social institutions such as children's social welfare institutions. Sejati Orphanage of Muhammadiyah Rappang is one of the social welfare institutions of children in South Sulawesi, founded by H. ismail Ambo Mariama since 1950 as a form of social concern for the massacre known as the 40,000 victims in December 1949 in South Sulawesi. This research aims to determine the level of participation and application of the principles of good governance in the orphanage. This research uses quantitative descriptive method by describing the two variables using the Likert scale and examining the relationship between the two variables using linear regression analysis. Samples is 30 was taken from 150 populations. The results show that the level of participation and application of the principles of good governance are included in the excellent category. While the level of participation influences 42.2 percent of the application of the principles of good governance. This shows that the application of the principles of good governance in social institutions is easier compared to other institutions.
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Although he used to be praised by the West as a modernizer of Turkey, Erdoğan's mode and discourse of governance have changed drastically over the last decade – he now employs severe counter-democratic measures and exclusionary, populist discourses. This article explores Erdoğan's rule, focusing in particular on the discourses he promotes in order to keep power and attain increasing electoral support. In an analysis based on the theoretical foundations of Critical Discourse Analysis, Erdoğan's reign is characterized by specific, exclusionary discourses, from creating the discursive Other established as the enemy and engaging in conspiracy discourses, to openly chastising and castigating his political opponents, while his popularity continues to increase.
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Although he used to be praised by the West as a modernizer of Turkey, Erdoğan's mode and discourse of governance have changed drastically over the last decade – he now employs severe counter-democratic measures and exclusionary, populist discourses. This article explores Erdoğan's rule, focusing in particular on the discourses he promotes in order to keep power and attain increasing electoral support. In an analysis based on the theoretical foundations of Critical Discourse Analysis, Erdoğan's reign is characterized by specific, exclusionary discourses, from creating the discursive Other established as the enemy and engaging in conspiracy discourses, to openly chastising and castigating his political opponents, while his popularity continues to increase.
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International audience ; Nanotechnologies have reached maturity and market penetration that require nano-specific changes in legislation and harmonization among legislation domains, such as the amendments to REACH for nano materials (NMs) which came into force in 2020. Thus, an assessment of the components and regulatory boundaries of NMs risk governance is timely, alongside related methods and tools, as part of the global efforts to optimise nanosafety and integrate it into product design processes, via Safe(r)-by-Design (SbD) concepts. This paper provides an overview of the state-of-the-art regarding risk governance of NMs and lays out the theoretical basis for the development and implementation of an effective, trustworthy and transparent risk gover nance framework for NMs. The proposed framework enables continuous integration of the evolving state of the science, leverages best practice from contiguous disciplines and facilitates responsive rethinking of nanosafety governance to meet future needs. To achieve and operationalise such framework, a science-based Risk Governance Council (RGC) for NMs is being developed. The framework will provide a toolkit for independent NMs' risk governance and integrates needs and views of stakeholders. An extension of this framework to relevant advanced materials and emerging technologies is also envisaged, in view of future foundations of risk research in Europe and globally.
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Diese Veröffentlichung stellt eine von sechs Analysen sektorenübergreifender Herausforderungen für Wasser-Governance dar, die als Teil des STEER-Forschungsprojekts durchgeführt wurden und deren Resultate in separaten Analysen und Stellungnahmen vorliegen. Das Ziel der Wasserrahmenrichtlinie (WRRL) der Europäischen Union (EU) ist es einen 'guten Zustand' aller Gewässer bis 2027 zu erreichen. Spanien steht in diesem Zusammenhang vor erheblichen Wasserquantitätsproblemen, weshalb die Einhaltung des ökologischen Mindestwasserbedarfs von Oberflächengewässer sowie die Reduzierung übermäßiger Grundwasserentnahmen eine der größten Herausforderungen ist. Die Behörden müssen daher zwischen konkurrierenden Wassernutzungen, wie Bewässerung, städtische Wasserversorgung, Tourismus oder Umwelt vermitteln. Trotz wiederholter Forderungen von Wissenschaftler*innen und Zusagen politischer Entscheidungsträger*innen, die sektor- und ebenenübergreifende Koordination zur Lösung dieser Zielkonflikte zu verstärken, bestehen weiterhin Koordinationsdefizite. Diese Veröffentlichung untersucht Koordinations- und Implementierungsherausforderungen zwischen dem Wasser- und dem Landwirtschaftssektor in Bezug auf Wasserquantität bei der WWRL-Umsetzung im Guadalquivir in Südspanien. Diese sind (i) ausbleibende Überprüfung der Wasserrechte nach der Einführung der Tröpfchenbewässerung, (ii) Schwächen beim Monitoring der Wassernutzung und bei der Schließung illegaler Brunnen und (iii) begrenzter sektorübergreifender Austausch im Rahmen partizipativer Prozesse. Diese Herausforderungen sind mit der Schwierigkeit verbunden, unpopuläre Entscheidungen gegen den Willen mächtiger landwirtschaftlicher Akteur*innen durchzusetzen. Um den Herausforderungen zu begegnen, schlagen wir verschiedene Koordinationsinstrumente vor, die auf Anreizen, freiwilliger Zusammenarbeit, Überzeugungsarbeit und Informationsaustausch beruhen. Insbesondere empfehlen wir Folgendes: Erhöhung der finanziellen und personellen Ressourcen für die Neuregelung der Wasserrechte, für das Monitoring der Wassernutzung und die Schließung illegaler Brunnen. Förderung kooperativer Prozesse, um einen multisektoralen Konsens zu erreichen, wie und wo Wasserrechte eingeschränkt werden sollen. * Schaffung von Anreizen für ewässerungsgemeinschaften, um die Selbstkontrolle der Grundwassernutzung unter den Mitgliedern weiter zu stärken. Stärkung des sektorübergreifenden Austauschs unter den Stakeholdern durch partizipative Prozesse, insbesondere zwischen Umwelt- und landwirtschaftlichen Interessengruppen, und Verbesserung der Kommunikation mit den Bürger*innen. Nutzung integrativerer Möglichkeiten der Informationsvermittlung bei Planungsprozessen. Da die identifizierten Herausforderungen jedoch systemischer Natur sind und grundlegende Verteilungsfragen berühren, sind den Koordinierungsinstrumenten Grenzen gesetzt. Daher ist auch ein klareres Bekenntnis des politischen Willens erforderlich.
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This chapter discusses infrastructure development in the Philippines under decentralization using illustrations mainly in the water sector. It opens up a study of the constraints and challenges in governance and regulation that local government units (LGUs) face in narrowing down the infrastructure gaps in their various jurisdictions. To enable LGUs' project proposals to get into the priority public investment program of the national government, the former must have skilled human resources capable of conducting the technical, legal, and financial analysis required. In governance, they must be able to navigate the complexities of water-pricing regulation. At the start, LGUs will need a good deal of technical, legal, and financial assistance from the national government in raising their capacity to overcome the challenges. However, through learning-by doing and as LGUs are able to mobilize additional resources using their power to impose tax and non-tax measures, decentralized infrastructure development can take off, guided by an effective division of labor between the national government and LGUs.
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In: The international spectator: journal of the Istituto Affari Internazionali, Band 55, Heft 4, S. 1-17
ISSN: 1751-9721
Federation as a form of government evolved while seeking a balance between security and identity. Unitary states were the earliest and most natural form of government but after tribulations, it was discovered that they were not congruent to identity. The various sized of German and Italian principalities before their Nineteenth Century unification are an illustration. Throughout history, Europe has been seeking every option between a city-state and empire. America is an important stage because it had been a Confederation during its Freedom Struggle but later found Federation more feasible. In British India, federalism presented itself as a solution when the Congress wanted power to be located in the center and the Muslim League wanted it located in the provinces. The last such attempt, the Cabinet Mission Plano of 1946 having failed, Pakistan when independent opted for a federation because in the words of the first Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan: "Geography dictates it."
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There is presented and shortly evaluated in the article the basic development of public administration in Central and Eastern European countries by indicating the most important stages of modernization in the light of prevailing theoretical paradigms. The authors identify three main stages – traditional public administration, New Public Management and New Public Governance, which are sometimes interrelated or contradicting to each other at the same time. New Public Governance is the most wanted and admired paradigm in Central and Eastern Europe, especially because of its social attractiveness and sensitivity, but it is still lacking more certain methods and tools to be implemented in practice. New Public Management, because of its capitalist entrepreneurship spirit, only partially changed public administration model. It was not an excellent model of reform, that's why it is possible to point to NPM as socially irresponsible reform of the public sector. At the same time the principles of New Public Governance are orientated not only to the participation of citizens and citizens' groups, but also to the development of social welfare, social quality, social responsibility and social justice. These are the values, which are most necessary to overcome the side effects of modernization. It is possible to draw a conclusion about this article, that by developing and presenting the more progressive principles and values of NPG, such as openness, transparency, social justice, social quality, absence of corruption and more active non-governmental organisations, Central and Eastern European countries could achieve more stable democratic development, as well as elimination or minimization of the negative impact of New Public Management for various spheres of public sector's reforms.KEYWORDS: hierarchical (Weberian) traditional public administration, New Public Management, New Public Governance, modernization.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15181/tbb.v85i2.2187
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International audience ; The realm of big data has brought new venues for knowledge acquisition, but also major challenges including data interoperability and effective management. The great volume of miscellaneous data renders the generation of new knowledge a complex data analysis process. Presently, big data technologies provide multiple solutions and tools towards the semantic analysis of heterogeneous data, including their accessibility and reusability. However, in addition to learning from data, we are faced with the issue of data storage and management in a cost-effective and reliable manner. This is the core topic of this paper. A data lake, inspired by the natural lake, is a centralized data repository that stores all kinds of data in any format and structure. This allows any type of data to be ingested into the data lake without any restriction or normalization. This could lead to a critical problem known as data swamp, which can contain invalid or incoherent data that adds no values for further knowledge acquisition. To deal with the potential avalanche of data, some legislation is required to turn such heterogeneous datasets into manageable data. In this article, we address this problem and propose some solutions concerning innovative methods, derived from a multidisciplinary science perspective to manage data lake. The proposed methods imitate the supply chain management and natural lake principles with an emphasis on the importance of the data life cycle, to implement responsible data governance for the data lake.
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The tools and rhetoric of deliberative democracy are increasingly popular with governments, organizations, and researchers working to enhance 'public engagement with science'. Deliberative fora such as citizen juries have also been heavily critiqued by social and political scientists – for positively and narrowly framing contentious new technologies to secure public support, and for privileging consensus over 'difference'. This paper takes such critiques seriously. Drawing from ethnographic participant-observation and analysis of a deliberative public consultation on biobanking in British Columbia (BC), Canada, it argues for careful attention to deliberative event design. A multi-disciplinary approach, multiple media, and imagination-focused tasks were used in BC to produce inclusive deliberations in which members of the public were able to directly challenge expert assumptions. Ethnographic attention to narrative during analysis of the deliberation reveals the extent to which participants insistently questioned the framing of the event. Drawing from personal experiences, analogies, news stories and fictional events, the deliberants developed and embellished the figure of a 'mad scientist' to challenge certainties promised by scientific, legal, and ethical expertise. This paper argues that such questioning enhanced the accountability of the deliberation and participant trust in the event. It also argues that ethnographic attention to storytelling is a valuable and under-utilized pursuit in the field of deliberative democracy – a pursuit that can enable deliberative events to 'listen'.
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This thesis aims to empirically investigate the effects of foreign aid on different aspects of governance in recipient countries, namely elections, corruption, and democracy. The firstchapter focuses on electoral outcomes in Uganda, the second chapter focuses on World Bank aid and corruption in firms, and the last chapter focuses on aid and country-level democratic outcomes globally. The results shown that aid has different impacts on different aspects of goverance. I find evidence of aid used as a vote-buying mechanism to benefit the incumbent in Uganda, but multilateral aid seems to reduce corruption at the firm-level, and aid also seems to foster democracy albeit with a very small effect. ; Cette thèse propose une analyse empirique des effets de l'aide étrangère sur différents aspects de la gouvernance dans les pays bénéficiaires, à savoir les élections, la corruption et la démocratie. Le premier chapitre se concentre sur les résultats électoraux en Ouganda, le deuxième chapitre se concentre sur l'aide de la Banque mondiale et la corruption dans les firmes, et le dernier chapitre se concentre sur l'aide et la démocratie au niveau des pays dans le monde. Les résultats ont montré que l'aide a des impacts différents sur différents aspects de la gouvernance. Je trouve des évidences de l'utilisation de l'aide comme mécanisme d'achat de votes au profit du titulaire en Ouganda, mais l'aide multilatérale semble réduire la corruption au niveau de l'entreprise, et l'aide semble également favoriser la démocratie, bien qu'avec un très petit effet.
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In late 2014 and after more than two decades of a 'semi-authoritarian' regime, a popular insurrection in Burkina Faso led to the fall of Blaise Compaoré, president and leader of the ruling party. Due to — or parallel to — the political transition, factors of insecurity developed or were amplified, leading to a reconfiguration of the provision of security at two levels. At the central state level began a reflection around the governance model of security and the improvement of the practices of state security forces. At the local level, non-state security initiatives have multiplied. Drawing on insights from the study of local security provision and providers in the town of Tenkodogo, located in the Boulgou province (Centre-East region), and on its wider integration into the national framework and response to insecurity in Burkina Faso, this article raises and investigates three major questions. First, how is the governance of security (co)produced by (state and non-state) actors in a specific local configuration in Burkina Faso? Second, in what ways does this local experience compare with the state's response to insecurity and with the nationwide expansion of the Koglweogo movement? Finally, what new perspectives can such reflection at the local and national levels offer to overcome the limits of current approaches regarding local security?
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Tujuan pemberian otonomi yang luas, nyata dan bertanggung jawab kepada Daerah pada dasarnya adalah untuk meningkatkan pelayanan kesejahteraan masyarakat melalui peningkatan keberdayaan masyarakat, pengembanganprakarsa dan kreativitas, peningkatan peran serta masyarakat, serta pengembangan peran dan fungsi DPRD, dalam hubungan itu, kontak sosial antara masyarakat dengan pemerintah daerah ditata melalui mekanisme pemilihan dan pertanggungjawaban kepala daerah berdasarkan prinsip=prinsip demokrasi, partisipasi masyarakat, transparansi dan keterbukaan yang bertanggung jawab dan berkeadilan. Tulisan ini akan mencoba membedah bagaimana mekanisme pertanggung jawban kepala daerah sebagai wujud akuntablitas publik pemerintah daerah kepada masyarakat dalam penyelenggaraan otonomi daerah sesuai dengan kaidah-kaidah normatif yang tertuang dalam peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku.
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