In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 82, Heft 3, S. 399-426
For some time it has been common knowledge that it is in traditional agriculture that most of the world's agricultural producers are engaged. It has also been known since FAO began publishing its annual reports on the world agricultural situation, if not before, that the rate of progress of agriculture in the advanced countries of the world differs from that in the less-developed countries. In the advanced countries, where agriculture is a minor industry in terms of the number of people engaged or in its contribution to the GNP, it has been making progress and has been producing more per person or per unit of land. In the less-developed countries, where it is a major industry, it has been registering little, if any, advance. People with experience in less-developed countries know that such increase as there has been has occurred principally in the more or less commercialized large-farm sector; and that the traditional sector, composed chiefly of small farms, has had little share in it. Considering all this, and the fact that the development of the poor countries has become of international concern, it is rather surprising that so many years have had to pass before a leading agricultural economist published a book dealing with one of the major problems of these countries: the transformation of traditional agriculture.
The year 1971 marked the beginning of an epoch in Greenland's policy. The colonial status of the island had been abolished a couple of decades before, and efforts had been initiated to introduce comprehensive reforms. The goal to be achieved was a rapid improvement of the population's standard of living . At the election of the Provincial Council in Greenland in 1971 a new generation came to the fore, and several young politicians were elected whose attitude to the policy so far pursued was very critical. . Insofar as the Greenlanders are concerned it is recognized that the political reforms have resulted in a considerable improvement in the material conditions of life, but it is maintained that the price has been too high. Serious social problems have followed in the wake of the rapid development, and the cultural life of Greenland has been endangered by the concentrated Danish humanitarian effort. The young people want a continuation of the policy of development, but at a slower pace, and with more consideration for the needs of the villages and the hunting districts. They want the political agencies in Greenland to be given added power, and think that the educational policy should be changed. More weight should be attached to Greenlandic within the schools, and the educational program should be planned to meet requirements in Greenland rather than just being a copy of the educational system in Denmark. The Danish influence making itself so heavily felt within the sector of private business in Greenland should be limited . Greenlanders want to be allowed to decide their own affairs. . It is expected that by the end of the 1970s the local administration, roads, power plants, schools, etc. will have been taken over entirely by the Greenlanders themselves. The role of the central government will be limited to the granting of subsidies in amounts which, on the whole, will be based on the number of inhabitants in each municipality. These proposed reforms, however, apparently do not satisfy the young politicians . whose ultimate goal is Home Rule. . One of the most difficult questions in connection with Home Rule for Greenland is how to combine any such system with the subsidy arrangement under which the Danish Government at the moment contributes Dkr. 700 million a year to Greenland. Normally, Home Rule would involve economic independence, but it is a serious question whether the economic resources of Greenland would be sufficient to finance the community in the process of development. The principal industry of Greenland - the fisheries - has during recent years been faced with considerable difficulties owing to an unfavourable climatic change, over-fishing and international restrictions. . In connection with the Home Rule issue no desire has been expressed for complete severance from Denmark. . The development of Greenland's policy during the coming years will be exciting. Quite a few Greenlanders are opposed to the out-spokenness of the new politicians and find their views too radical. It is now a question, of whether the young politicians can manage to stick together and whether they will be able to win the sympathy of the general public in Greenland for their views before the election of the Provincial Council in 1975.
The lists of Indian animal names in this short paper are presented for two reasons. Until very recently most adult natives of the area, having had no formal education, spoke no English. It was therefore judged that the lists, with a simple code of pronounciation, could aid the work of game wardens, Indian agents, and others working with the natives. The more important reason is, however, that the native languages dealt with are almost certainly on the way to extinction, mainly because the schooling for the local Indians now provided by the Canadian Federal Government is in English only. .
In: The journal of modern African studies: a quarterly survey of politics, economics & related topics in contemporary Africa, Band 11, Heft 4, S. 629-647
IT IS POSSIBLE TO DEMONSTRATE EXTENT TO WHICH POLITICAL IDEOLOGY IS A SOURCE OF RELIABLE KNOWLEDGE. ITS IS SHOWN, THROUGH A SEMANTIC ANALYSIS OF THIS PARTICULAR AFRICAN IDEOLOGY, THAT IGOR KOPYTOFF ("SOCIALISM AND TRADITIONAL AFRICAN SOCIETIES". IN W.H. FRIEDLAND AND C.G. ROSBERG, JR., EDS., AFRICAN SOCIALISM, STANFORD, 1964) HARDLY DID JUSTICE TO THE SUBJECT.
The revival of the Frankfurt Instit in the US has created a situation in which reeducation of theorists in the mode of the new critical social theory has become of paramount importance. However, M. Jay's theories concerning the Frankfurt tradition (see SA 2233/I4236) offer no directions for students of the Frankfurt tradition. Several oversimplifications concerning the nature of the Frankfurt critique of Mannheim comprise Jay's theoretical inadequacies. These are analyzed in detail with reference to the thoughts of other theorists most notably: T. Adorno, W. Benjamin, M. Horkheimer, R. Jacoby, G. Lukacs, & H. Marcuse. Questions arising from Jay's discussion are analyzed to illustrate the ways in which they "can perhaps be reposed as part of the legacy of critical theory for radical thought today." C. Grindle.
SUMMARYThe results of the present investigation can be summed up under six points:
The officials themselves, to a great extent, had to formulate the problems they were to solve.The general train of thought has been that the goals the administration carries into effect are presented in such a way that the administration's task consists of solving problems which are already formulated. This description is not applicable to the administrative organization under investigation. Although very precise definitions could be set up of technically rationalised agriculture, the problems which the administration had to solve were not completely formulated. Rationalization could occur in several ways — there was room for a number of productivity models. The agronomists themselves took part in formulating the problems they were to solve. They could take the dlemands for the administration's decisions for granted, as Smitt did, or try to increase the demand by establishing voluntary associations and other modernizing mechanisms. The definition of the problems took place under the influence of the official's "private" aims and social identifications.The appropriate procedures selected for the ratiionalization work altered according to the social values it was based upon, aned the agronomists chose the productivity models which were in accordance with their general social attitudes. In the same way, the conflicts in which the agricultural administration was involved were caused not by disagreement over the technical efficiency of the measures but by the evaluation of the social consequences of the different methods. The roles of the employees were not given but the employees themselves to a greater or lesser extent took part in forming them.The description of the administration's positions and roles as given is not applicable to the administrative organization we have examined. The officials' freedom of choice during the structuring of the role varied according to the clientele the agronomists decided to work with. The structuring of the roles took place in accordance with the official's "private" aims and social identifications.It was Smitt's "private" aim to build up a bureaucratic organization recruited from officials with a strong professional orientation, and these roles functioned best when the organization served a high status clientele. Conversely, the officials working with lower status clientele developed roles with a strong element of agitation. The structuring of the roles took place in close connection with the structuring of the problems.The roles Smitt evolved suited the problems which in his opinion ought to be solved. They appeared to be both the least expensive and most labor‐saving because they were based upon a division of labor between clientele and employees. The clientele provided capital and motivation, the organization knowledge and modern production equipment. Everything points to Smitt being blind to the connections which can arise between rationalization and social discrimination. His considerations concerning efficiency were that most of the work which technical rationalization involved could be transferred to the clientele. If the organization was relieved of the task of motivating the clients, it could achieve more without increasing costs.When in the last half of the 1880's this notion of economy was put into a wider social perspective it was easy to demonstrate that this sort of rationalization in fact involved a tremendous waste of public means. Srnitt's methods were, without doubt, labor‐saving from a narrow organizational point of view, but meaningless when seen in consideration of the need for an urgent modernization, which required great social support among the farmers if the new co‐operative efforts were to survive. The motivating task, which Smitt had rationalized away, became the centre of the organizations' activity.This shows not only how meaningless narrow efficiency considerations can be, but also how purposeless it can be to build up a wealth of knowledge about public administration without at the same time increasing our knowledge of the society in which the administration functions. The structuring of the organization's problems and roles took place in accordance with traits of the political system.The agronomists' freedom in structuring their problems and roles varied not only from situation to situation but also over a period of time. Smitt's freedom of action became curtailed during the last half of the 18803, and the reduction was connected with the new types of demands and support and with the administrative system's reactions to these alterations. While "in‐puts" and the system's inner processes at first pulled together, they were later in conflict. The low adaptability evoked external adjustment mechanisms which deprived the administrative system of initiative and responsibility, weakened its technical authority and widened its political obligation. An additional explanation — which, it is true, cannot be tried out without bringing in material of much larger proportions — is the assertion that the changes in the role‐structure were also a link in a general re‐arrangement of the relationship between the Storting, government and administration.An alteration took place in the distribution of initiative, responsibility, obligation and authority in the relations between the director of agriculture and the political authorities. These changes can be described in relation to two ideal types of distribution patterns. We have mapped out one movement in the direction of a bureaucracy which has initiative, responsibility and authority and is strongly Committed to the cause. Conversely, the other movement goes in the direction of an ideal type where the bureaucarcy is deprived of initiative and responsibility, where it is under strong obligation to political authority and its professional authority is weak.These findings can be generalized by connecting them with the bureaucracy model sketched out by Eisenstadt. The core of this model is the tensions between the need for a relatively autonomous bureaucracy and the need for a bureaucracy which is under control of the environment wherein it functions. By giving the bureaucracy an area where it can work relatively independently one ensures that the officials have a strong goal orientation but, at the same time, one risks losing control over the values the bureaucracy implements. By putting the bureaucracy under strict control, one has greater chance of deciding which goals are implemented, but one also risks the bureaucracy becoming impotent and formalistic. (Eisenstadt, 1958, pp. 100–103; Bendix, 1949, p. 12).The tensions between the needs for autonomy and independence have to do with the basic principle of bureaucratic organization:; that the officials do not own the means of administration. Morroe Berger has shown how the needs are built‐in in the bureaucratic organization: the organization is hierarchial, and at the same time every official has been given his own area where he rules with a varying degree of independence. (Berger, 1957, p, 49) We shall maintain that the tensions between these two needs are expressed in continually changing distributions of initiative, responsibility, obligation and professional authority.An autonomous bureaucracy is rich in initiative, it takes the responsibility for its own decisions, it is committed to its cause and the decisions can be easily legitimated by the official's technical competence. A dependent bureaucracy takes less initiative, outwardly others carry the responsibility for its decisions, it is not committed to a cause and the professional legitimacy of its decisions is weak. Because both needs cannot be completely satisfied simultaneously, there will always be tensions between them. The distribution of the components is not very stable and will change over time. Consequently, there is a basic lack of stability in the role relationships between the administration and political authority and the bureaucratic roles are being constantly redefined in one or the other direction in step with more far‐reaching changes in the political system.The increase of Smitt's dependence upon the political authorities occured during a period when the Storting increased its influence. We will call this a political contraction process, characterised by drawing together initiative, responsibility and obligation‐potential in the Storting. A bureaucratic role developed which stressed the official's loyalty, his ability to conform according to the politician's changing aims, his abilities as "the good counsel".These tendencies stand strongly opposed to a development which has occurred in Norway after the Second World War, and which in many ways had for its object the spreading of intiative, responsibility, professional authority and a weaker obligation to the political authorities outwardly and down through the administrative organization. A period where bureaucratic roles of this kind develop and where tendencies are also expressed in the formal organization, we will call a detraction process.These movements which succeed each other in time, have bearing upon the officials' role‐learning. Director Smitt was taught to take the initiative, to accept criticism, to be strictly responsible to his profession and to expect that great consideration would be given to his professional skill. When he was drawn into a contraction process it was difficult for him to follow. The opposite would be the case of the official who had his role‐learning in a contraction period ‐he would not find it so easy to adapt himself to the role expectations met in a detraction process. On account of these upheavals in the official's role the picture of the ideal official in one period will resemble the distorted picture of an official in another period. The enterprising, responsibility conscious and cause‐committed official would be an ideal in a detraction period but a frightening picture in a contraction period.The theory of political contraction‐ and detraction processes has therefore certain consequences for the accumulation of verified knowledge of bureaucratic behaviour, for the building up of a systematic theory of bureaucracy. It does not dismiss the possibility of making general assertions concerning bureaucratic behadour, but it stresses the need for cultural references for specification of time and place. In the words of Lasswell and Kaplan: "Empirical significance requires that the propositions of social science, rather than affirming unqualifiedly universal invariances, state relations between variables assuming different magnitudes in different social contexts. To omit this context is not to universalize the proposition, but rather to hide its particularized reference to the situations characteristic of our own culture." (Lasswell and Kaplan, 1958, p. XXI)This says, among other things, that one cannot generalize about bureaucratic organizations from intra‐bureaucratic data alone. Assertions that the bureaucracy will attract persons who wish to take responsibility or assertions to the opposite, that the bureaucracy will attract persons who wish to escape from responsibility, can both be confirmed and denied, because bureaucratic organization in a contraction process will appeal to people who wish to avoid responsibility while the same administration in a detraction process will attract the responsibility conscious and enterprising. Neither can it be generally said that officials in a bureaucratic organization will strive after independence or "power". The opposite can be the case, all depending upon the pattern of distribution between administration and political authorities. The officials' independence will change with time, in step with social changes.The greater part of common sense‐notions concerning bureaucratic behaviour are contradictory and this is not remarkable, the prebstige of popular wisdom rests entirely upon its probability to provide a proverb to suit every occasion. (Krech and Crutchfield, 1948, p. 41) Meanwhile, the same applies to many social science hypotheses and findings concerning bureaucratic behaviour; their area of validity has not been limited by data concerning the system‐situations in which the administrative organizations have worked. The official's behaviour cannot be explained by studies of internal administrative processes alone. The official's position will be defined by the expectations of the clientele in the widest sense — the public, press, associations and political authorities, i.e. the society with which the official comes into contact. These expectations move with the alterations in society and in the political system.
The Frankfurt School's critique of Karl Mannheim must first be viewed through the relationship between Mannheim, a circle of intellectuals in Budapest from 1916-19 (Szellemkek; "The Sprites"), & particularly with Georg Lukacs. Early opposition of the Sprites to the mechanical materialism which they associated with Orthodox Marxism was shattered by Lukacs' sudden conversion to Marxism in 1918, & a shift in the group toward that perspective. It was Lukacs who first attacked Mannheim; he viewed Mannheim's 'conjunctive knowledge' as possible only within the proletariat. Marcuse positively related to Mannheim's temporality in cultural phenomena but criticized his theories on the question of true & false consciousness. He claimed that Mannheim: (1) reified society & skirted the constitutive role that consciousness played in development of social reality, (2) believed in a synthesis of partial views, & (3) ignored the transcendent dimension of truth by applying a relativistic framework to theoretical questions. Horkheimer criticized the SofK as being traditional, not critical & dismissed the relativism in Mannheim's theories. Adorno found Mannheim simultaneously positivistic & idealistic, relying on 'facts' as generalizable into causal laws. Through delineation of the shifting position of the Frankfurt School in its criticism of Mannheim, can be detected their response to changed social conditions as they perceived them. They attribute to Mannheim a relativism that counters the absolutism for which he was criticized in the 1930's by Horkheimer. T. Babitsky.
The basic question examined is how informed is today's Amer public about current Asian affairs. The focus is on the Amer public's (a) awareness of pol'ly signif events, (b) identification of prominent pol'al figures, (c) knowledge of pol'ly important locations, & (d) knowledge of terms & facts relevant to important issues in Asian affairs. The data are taken from all the nat'ly representative surveys on file in the Roper PO Res Center. The conclusion is reached that (a) the Amer public is ill-informed about Asian events which signif'ly affect the daily lives of Amer's, (b) the 'dark areas of ignorance' noted by other res'ers in the past still exist, (c) the expansion of the MM in Amer society has not affected the traditional channels of pol'al ignorance among the Amer public. AA.
The tragedy of anthrop is that cultures & peoples in various parts of the world have been disappearing & are continuing to do so before they have been adequately studied. The losses suffered by anthrop'ts in the 19th & 20th cent's can be illustrated by the failure to obtain a thorough account of the culture of the Kafirs of Kafiristan, of the Toala of southern Celebes, & of the inhabitants of Easter Island. The situation is even more threatening today. Knowledge of many cultures is essential to the testing of hypo's & the development of anthrop'al theories. Further, knowledge about some previously unknown tribe may lead res on to a hitherto unsuspected track (new information concerning 3 apparently insignif tribes will have a radical effect on our views of the racial history of Southern Asia). The comments about res on tribes & cultures apply with equal urgency to languages. Anthrop'ts have not reduced the amount of orthodox ethnographic res because of a lack of objectives; in fact, the number of insufficiently known extant cultures is immense, particularly in South East Asia. The reason lies in the fact that our interests are influenced by current fashions & because res grants are more available for work in a community & in other areas which have immediate relevance to applied anthrop. Perhaps a still more crucial factor retarding the investigation of disappearing cultures is the lack of coordination & information on urgently needed projects. A committee was elected at the 4th International Congress of Anthrop'al & Ethnological Sci's (Vienna, 1952) to attempt to correct this situation. The author was appointed its secretary-general. B. J. Keeley.
In the last 10 yrs much progress has been made in studying the peoples of the Far North. Some of these Far Northern races consisted of less than 1,000 persons. They were largely engaged in hunting, fishing, & in breeding reindeer. Because the Soviet gov has been reconstructing the economy of these peoples, they have advanced to modern standards of living, yet their old culture is of great sci'fic interest. Ethnographers, historians, linguists, folklorists, anthrop'ts, & archeologists of the USSR are bringing their knowledge to the task. The purpose of the res is: (1) help these people build up a socialist society & raise their cultural standards, &, (2) assemble documents as a basis for monographs on their econ system, life, customs & culture. A good example of this kind of work is The Nganasans by A. Popov. Besides consulting purely ethnographical sources Soviet sci'ts have frequent recourse to archives. B. J. Keeley.
In: Policy sciences: integrating knowledge and practice to advance human dignity ; the journal of the Society of Policy Scientists, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 3-14
The policy sci's may be conceived as knowledge of the policy process & of the relevance of knowledge in that process. Professional careers in the theoretical branches of policy analysis have been typically academic & include professors of pol'al sci, jurisprudence, pol'al economy, & public admin. One novelty of recent decades has been the prodigious multiplication of policy careers having little direct contact with traditional policy theory, though grounded in some specialized knowledge of the physical, biological, or cultural sci's. New specialties have arisen that affect the procedures of the policy making process itself, such as the handling of computerized information. Whatever their origin, policy sci'ts appear to be converging toward a distinctive outlook. Contextuality calls for a cognitive map of the whole soc process in reference to which each specific activity is considered. Problem orientation includes 5 intellectual tasks: goal clarification, trend description, analysis of conditions, projection of future developments, invention, evaluation & selection of alternatives. There is also a distinctive synthesis of technique, guided by principles of content & procedure. A distinctive identity image is evolving in which the role of the mediator-integrator among men of knowledge & between knowledge & action is becoming more explicit. Modified HA.
Confrontation with the British during the years 1839 to 1842 jolted the Chinese into a more realistic perception of the wider world. Before the Opium War, the Chinese took little notice of the world beyond the traditional Chinese realm; during the course of the war China's inadequate knowledge of overseas countries proved to be a strategic disadvantage. In the 1840s, knowledge of the wider world was important to China's defense against Western intrusion, and a handful of Chinese scholar-officials who shared this view engaged in the serious study of foreign nations. A small but influential group of Chinese set out to expand China's knowledge of the West; they did so in the belief that this was essential to China's survival. The comprehensive accounts put together by Wei Yüan(1794–1857) and Hsü Chi-yü(1795–1873) and shorter works by other authors suggest the importance of this new perspective in the decade after the Treaty of Nanking.
The investigation attempted to test the hypothesis among Somalis that there would be a positive r between knowledge of proverbs & poems & the degree of acculturation. Groups of nomads, semi-nomads, & students in a teachers-training Coll were asked to supply proverbs & poems related to particular topics, & they also sought to complete the 2nd half of traditional proverbs whose 1st half was provided by the investigator. The knowledge of the nomads signif'ly exceeded that of the seminomads; the elite students, however, fell in-between the other 2 groups. The good performance of the students is explained in terms of their patriotic interest in their country's tradition. Whether or not proverbs & poems were retained, therefore, depended on the function they served for each group. AA.
The rapid change in US opinion on vital issues results largely from the changes in the image of man. It is believed that man's freedom is limited by his inheritance & environment; this image is derived from soc sci. However, certain areas of society, ie, the econ order, religion & the fam, have been less subject to the influence of new soc sci'fic knowledge re the nature of man, partly because of both the high traditional commitment to individualism & less direct exposure of these areas to the soc sci's. G. Speal.