Suchergebnisse

One of the most relevant topics discussed in the global political arena is the economic development and the competitiveness of regions and states. In analyzing national and European research on economic development, it is evident that the main criteria for assessing the competitiveness of a country are innovation and the factors that stimulate its development. It is widely acknowledged that organizational knowledge and effective knowledge man-agement are the cornerstone of innovation in all types of organizations. Over the past 20 years, the public sector has undergone significant changes. A switch from the traditional bureaucratic approach to a more managerial one has been noticed. The activities of organizations in this sector are exceptionally knowledge-based; therefore, the application of knowledge management methods is a tool that organizations can promote innovation with to increase operational efficiency. This article, based on scientific literature, analyzes the importance of knowledge management for innovation within the public sector.

One of the most relevant topics discussed in the global political arena is the economic development and the competitiveness of regions and states. In analyzing national and European research on economic development, it is evident that the main criteria for assessing the competitiveness of a country are innovation and the factors that stimulate its development. It is widely acknowledged that organizational knowledge and effective knowledge man-agement are the cornerstone of innovation in all types of organizations. Over the past 20 years, the public sector has undergone significant changes. A switch from the traditional bureaucratic approach to a more managerial one has been noticed. The activities of organizations in this sector are exceptionally knowledge-based; therefore, the application of knowledge management methods is a tool that organizations can promote innovation with to increase operational efficiency. This article, based on scientific literature, analyzes the importance of knowledge management for innovation within the public sector.

One of the most relevant topics discussed in the global political arena is the economic development and the competitiveness of regions and states. In analyzing national and European research on economic development, it is evident that the main criteria for assessing the competitiveness of a country are innovation and the factors that stimulate its development. It is widely acknowledged that organizational knowledge and effective knowledge man-agement are the cornerstone of innovation in all types of organizations. Over the past 20 years, the public sector has undergone significant changes. A switch from the traditional bureaucratic approach to a more managerial one has been noticed. The activities of organizations in this sector are exceptionally knowledge-based; therefore, the application of knowledge management methods is a tool that organizations can promote innovation with to increase operational efficiency. This article, based on scientific literature, analyzes the importance of knowledge management for innovation within the public sector.

One of the most relevant topics discussed in the global political arena is the economic development and the competitiveness of regions and states. In analyzing national and European research on economic development, it is evident that the main criteria for assessing the competitiveness of a country are innovation and the factors that stimulate its development. It is widely acknowledged that organizational knowledge and effective knowledge man-agement are the cornerstone of innovation in all types of organizations. Over the past 20 years, the public sector has undergone significant changes. A switch from the traditional bureaucratic approach to a more managerial one has been noticed. The activities of organizations in this sector are exceptionally knowledge-based; therefore, the application of knowledge management methods is a tool that organizations can promote innovation with to increase operational efficiency. This article, based on scientific literature, analyzes the importance of knowledge management for innovation within the public sector.

The paper explores Plato's Statesman in the perspective of its philosophical unity and autonomy. The relevance of this approach arises from the problem posed by the traditional readings of the Statesman – the developmental and unitarian. Both methods interpret the Statesman in the context of Plato's major political dialogues of, the Republic and the Laws, thus preventing the exposing of the internal theoretical coherence of the dialogue. Hence this paper focuses on the analysis of the main political themes of the dialogue – conflict, statesmanship, and political knowledge – and their relations to each other. By discussing the emergence of the political and its importance for conceptualizing political practice, as well as by indicating the structural elements of statesmanship, the author of the paper argues that the Statesman contains a coherent and internally completed political theory.

The paper explores Plato's Statesman in the perspective of its philosophical unity and autonomy. The relevance of this approach arises from the problem posed by the traditional readings of the Statesman – the developmental and unitarian. Both methods interpret the Statesman in the context of Plato's major political dialogues of, the Republic and the Laws, thus preventing the exposing of the internal theoretical coherence of the dialogue. Hence this paper focuses on the analysis of the main political themes of the dialogue – conflict, statesmanship, and political knowledge – and their relations to each other. By discussing the emergence of the political and its importance for conceptualizing political practice, as well as by indicating the structural elements of statesmanship, the author of the paper argues that the Statesman contains a coherent and internally completed political theory.

The paper explores Plato's Statesman in the perspective of its philosophical unity and autonomy. The relevance of this approach arises from the problem posed by the traditional readings of the Statesman – the developmental and unitarian. Both methods interpret the Statesman in the context of Plato's major political dialogues of, the Republic and the Laws, thus preventing the exposing of the internal theoretical coherence of the dialogue. Hence this paper focuses on the analysis of the main political themes of the dialogue – conflict, statesmanship, and political knowledge – and their relations to each other. By discussing the emergence of the political and its importance for conceptualizing political practice, as well as by indicating the structural elements of statesmanship, the author of the paper argues that the Statesman contains a coherent and internally completed political theory.

The paper explores Plato's Statesman in the perspective of its philosophical unity and autonomy. The relevance of this approach arises from the problem posed by the traditional readings of the Statesman – the developmental and unitarian. Both methods interpret the Statesman in the context of Plato's major political dialogues of, the Republic and the Laws, thus preventing the exposing of the internal theoretical coherence of the dialogue. Hence this paper focuses on the analysis of the main political themes of the dialogue – conflict, statesmanship, and political knowledge – and their relations to each other. By discussing the emergence of the political and its importance for conceptualizing political practice, as well as by indicating the structural elements of statesmanship, the author of the paper argues that the Statesman contains a coherent and internally completed political theory.

While the concepts of brain drain and brain waste are frequently used to analyse migration from Central and Eastern Europe, this paper starts with an assumption that mobile workers usually gain important skills and knowledge which may help them to return and integrate into the labour market of the home country. Furthermore, this paper focusses on a very specific group for whom the above-mentioned effect is all the more likely: the highly qualified migrants defined narrowly as people with high education who held qualified jobs when working abroad. In this paper, the above-mentioned assumption is tested empirically, drawing on a number of surveys (representative surveys of Lithuanian residents, employers and returnees, a survey of graduates of the "Create for Lithuania" programme, an internet-based survey of highly qualified returnees) and interviews. We found that professional aims (such as the intention to take advantage of their skills and knowledge) were very important reasons for return, although they worked in parallel with broader family and home-sickness motives. In addition, around 2/3 of returnees in our sample mentioned that they wanted to contribute to the progress of Lithuania, and the majority of them agreed that they succeeded in doing that. The data also showed that most of the returnees in our target group were able to find employment without major difficulties. The majority of respondents indicated that skills and knowledge they gained abroad were very useful both for finding a job and pursuing a further career. We identified a number of structural factors that sometimes help and sometimes hinder the integration of the returnees. The returnees did take into consideration the improving economic outlook of the country (while many EU countries have been stagnating) and a rather high standard of the quality of life (in Vilnius). While the majority in the society and among the employers are quite sceptical about the human capital of the returnees (because they consider return as an evidence of failure), they are more receptive towards the highly qualified persons. In turn, the returnees themselves have to deal with a limited number and rather specific circle of potential employers where the appreciation of foreign experience is more likely (e. g., foreign-own companies). Furthermore, the returnees in our sample were also relatively skilled at presenting themselves and had many options for signalling their labour market credentials (such as diplomas, recommendations or brands of their foreign employers). In addition, a significant number of returnees do choose to become self-employed or start their own business. The public sector has played a contradictory role. On the one hand, the returnees were quite sceptical about the Lithuanian public sector in general (too much bureaucracy was the key criticism) and its migration policy efforts in particular. The continuous stalemate with regard to the double citizenship issue was frequently quoted as a symbol of the state being at odds with the needs of its mobile population. The returnees who actually returned to the public sector (six of our interviewees were university researchers) argued that gaining a permanent teaching or research position for scientists from "outside" is still way too difficult, the level of internationalisation and internal cooperation is too limited, and research agenda in humanities is too self-centred on national topics. On the other hand, some migrants returned in response to public sector initiatives, such as the programme for young professionals "Create for Lithuania", EU-supported research grants, and the FDI policy that helped to attract some large employers of highly qualified employees (such as the IT unit of the Barclays bank). Our research also showed the continuing demand for "traditional" migration policy measures such as informing the returnees and helping their children to integrate into the system of secondary education.

While the concepts of brain drain and brain waste are frequently used to analyse migration from Central and Eastern Europe, this paper starts with an assumption that mobile workers usually gain important skills and knowledge which may help them to return and integrate into the labour market of the home country. Furthermore, this paper focusses on a very specific group for whom the above-mentioned effect is all the more likely: the highly qualified migrants defined narrowly as people with high education who held qualified jobs when working abroad. In this paper, the above-mentioned assumption is tested empirically, drawing on a number of surveys (representative surveys of Lithuanian residents, employers and returnees, a survey of graduates of the "Create for Lithuania" programme, an internet-based survey of highly qualified returnees) and interviews. We found that professional aims (such as the intention to take advantage of their skills and knowledge) were very important reasons for return, although they worked in parallel with broader family and home-sickness motives. In addition, around 2/3 of returnees in our sample mentioned that they wanted to contribute to the progress of Lithuania, and the majority of them agreed that they succeeded in doing that. The data also showed that most of the returnees in our target group were able to find employment without major difficulties. The majority of respondents indicated that skills and knowledge they gained abroad were very useful both for finding a job and pursuing a further career. We identified a number of structural factors that sometimes help and sometimes hinder the integration of the returnees. The returnees did take into consideration the improving economic outlook of the country (while many EU countries have been stagnating) and a rather high standard of the quality of life (in Vilnius). While the majority in the society and among the employers are quite sceptical about the human capital of the returnees (because they consider return as an evidence of failure), they are more receptive towards the highly qualified persons. In turn, the returnees themselves have to deal with a limited number and rather specific circle of potential employers where the appreciation of foreign experience is more likely (e. g., foreign-own companies). Furthermore, the returnees in our sample were also relatively skilled at presenting themselves and had many options for signalling their labour market credentials (such as diplomas, recommendations or brands of their foreign employers). In addition, a significant number of returnees do choose to become self-employed or start their own business. The public sector has played a contradictory role. On the one hand, the returnees were quite sceptical about the Lithuanian public sector in general (too much bureaucracy was the key criticism) and its migration policy efforts in particular. The continuous stalemate with regard to the double citizenship issue was frequently quoted as a symbol of the state being at odds with the needs of its mobile population. The returnees who actually returned to the public sector (six of our interviewees were university researchers) argued that gaining a permanent teaching or research position for scientists from "outside" is still way too difficult, the level of internationalisation and internal cooperation is too limited, and research agenda in humanities is too self-centred on national topics. On the other hand, some migrants returned in response to public sector initiatives, such as the programme for young professionals "Create for Lithuania", EU-supported research grants, and the FDI policy that helped to attract some large employers of highly qualified employees (such as the IT unit of the Barclays bank). Our research also showed the continuing demand for "traditional" migration policy measures such as informing the returnees and helping their children to integrate into the system of secondary education.

While the concepts of brain drain and brain waste are frequently used to analyse migration from Central and Eastern Europe, this paper starts with an assumption that mobile workers usually gain important skills and knowledge which may help them to return and integrate into the labour market of the home country. Furthermore, this paper focusses on a very specific group for whom the above-mentioned effect is all the more likely: the highly qualified migrants defined narrowly as people with high education who held qualified jobs when working abroad. In this paper, the above-mentioned assumption is tested empirically, drawing on a number of surveys (representative surveys of Lithuanian residents, employers and returnees, a survey of graduates of the "Create for Lithuania" programme, an internet-based survey of highly qualified returnees) and interviews. We found that professional aims (such as the intention to take advantage of their skills and knowledge) were very important reasons for return, although they worked in parallel with broader family and home-sickness motives. In addition, around 2/3 of returnees in our sample mentioned that they wanted to contribute to the progress of Lithuania, and the majority of them agreed that they succeeded in doing that. The data also showed that most of the returnees in our target group were able to find employment without major difficulties. The majority of respondents indicated that skills and knowledge they gained abroad were very useful both for finding a job and pursuing a further career. We identified a number of structural factors that sometimes help and sometimes hinder the integration of the returnees. The returnees did take into consideration the improving economic outlook of the country (while many EU countries have been stagnating) and a rather high standard of the quality of life (in Vilnius). While the majority in the society and among the employers are quite sceptical about the human capital of the returnees (because they consider return as an evidence of failure), they are more receptive towards the highly qualified persons. In turn, the returnees themselves have to deal with a limited number and rather specific circle of potential employers where the appreciation of foreign experience is more likely (e. g., foreign-own companies). Furthermore, the returnees in our sample were also relatively skilled at presenting themselves and had many options for signalling their labour market credentials (such as diplomas, recommendations or brands of their foreign employers). In addition, a significant number of returnees do choose to become self-employed or start their own business. The public sector has played a contradictory role. On the one hand, the returnees were quite sceptical about the Lithuanian public sector in general (too much bureaucracy was the key criticism) and its migration policy efforts in particular. The continuous stalemate with regard to the double citizenship issue was frequently quoted as a symbol of the state being at odds with the needs of its mobile population. The returnees who actually returned to the public sector (six of our interviewees were university researchers) argued that gaining a permanent teaching or research position for scientists from "outside" is still way too difficult, the level of internationalisation and internal cooperation is too limited, and research agenda in humanities is too self-centred on national topics. On the other hand, some migrants returned in response to public sector initiatives, such as the programme for young professionals "Create for Lithuania", EU-supported research grants, and the FDI policy that helped to attract some large employers of highly qualified employees (such as the IT unit of the Barclays bank). Our research also showed the continuing demand for "traditional" migration policy measures such as informing the returnees and helping their children to integrate into the system of secondary education.

While the concepts of brain drain and brain waste are frequently used to analyse migration from Central and Eastern Europe, this paper starts with an assumption that mobile workers usually gain important skills and knowledge which may help them to return and integrate into the labour market of the home country. Furthermore, this paper focusses on a very specific group for whom the above-mentioned effect is all the more likely: the highly qualified migrants defined narrowly as people with high education who held qualified jobs when working abroad. In this paper, the above-mentioned assumption is tested empirically, drawing on a number of surveys (representative surveys of Lithuanian residents, employers and returnees, a survey of graduates of the "Create for Lithuania" programme, an internet-based survey of highly qualified returnees) and interviews. We found that professional aims (such as the intention to take advantage of their skills and knowledge) were very important reasons for return, although they worked in parallel with broader family and home-sickness motives. In addition, around 2/3 of returnees in our sample mentioned that they wanted to contribute to the progress of Lithuania, and the majority of them agreed that they succeeded in doing that. The data also showed that most of the returnees in our target group were able to find employment without major difficulties. The majority of respondents indicated that skills and knowledge they gained abroad were very useful both for finding a job and pursuing a further career. We identified a number of structural factors that sometimes help and sometimes hinder the integration of the returnees. The returnees did take into consideration the improving economic outlook of the country (while many EU countries have been stagnating) and a rather high standard of the quality of life (in Vilnius). While the majority in the society and among the employers are quite sceptical about the human capital of the returnees (because they consider return as an evidence of failure), they are more receptive towards the highly qualified persons. In turn, the returnees themselves have to deal with a limited number and rather specific circle of potential employers where the appreciation of foreign experience is more likely (e. g., foreign-own companies). Furthermore, the returnees in our sample were also relatively skilled at presenting themselves and had many options for signalling their labour market credentials (such as diplomas, recommendations or brands of their foreign employers). In addition, a significant number of returnees do choose to become self-employed or start their own business. The public sector has played a contradictory role. On the one hand, the returnees were quite sceptical about the Lithuanian public sector in general (too much bureaucracy was the key criticism) and its migration policy efforts in particular. The continuous stalemate with regard to the double citizenship issue was frequently quoted as a symbol of the state being at odds with the needs of its mobile population. The returnees who actually returned to the public sector (six of our interviewees were university researchers) argued that gaining a permanent teaching or research position for scientists from "outside" is still way too difficult, the level of internationalisation and internal cooperation is too limited, and research agenda in humanities is too self-centred on national topics. On the other hand, some migrants returned in response to public sector initiatives, such as the programme for young professionals "Create for Lithuania", EU-supported research grants, and the FDI policy that helped to attract some large employers of highly qualified employees (such as the IT unit of the Barclays bank). Our research also showed the continuing demand for "traditional" migration policy measures such as informing the returnees and helping their children to integrate into the system of secondary education.

Changes in education are the inevitable and complex process, which is influenced by fast globalization, changing economical, social and political conditions, development of information and communication technologies. Traditional teaching is oriented only towards knowledge transmission and reception; it is not yet effective in preparing pupils for activities of unknown future and constant changes. In the context of these changes the school implements the pedagogical system, which experiences transformation, its elements, interrelationship and didactic processes change.

Changes in education are the inevitable and complex process, which is influenced by fast globalization, changing economical, social and political conditions, development of information and communication technologies. Traditional teaching is oriented only towards knowledge transmission and reception; it is not yet effective in preparing pupils for activities of unknown future and constant changes. In the context of these changes the school implements the pedagogical system, which experiences transformation, its elements, interrelationship and didactic processes change.

The aim of this article is to analyze and evaluate relations between sustainable agriculture and environmental agriculture programmes. Sustainable agriculture covers not only environmental, but social and economic activities which are not typical for environmental agriculture. It is also analyzed development of sustainable agriculture as well as agri – environmental programmes. In spite that sustainable agriculture cover social and economic activities, but it cannot be compared with traditional agriculture. Agri – environmental measures are wider used in the European Union countries, meanwhile sustainable agriculture is no very popular between farmers. It is discussed different scientific viewpoints and reasons why agri – environmental programmes are not sustainable. The article evaluate why implemented agri – environmental and conventional farming are not sustain in Lithuania. In order to investigate Lithuanian farmer's willingness to participate in sustainable farming, interviews with farmers were conducted. The results discovered that lack of knowledge on sustainable farming is main barrier and farmers are practices traditional farming. The investigation also discovered that insufficient understanding is main reason not to participate in voluntary programmes and farmers are willing to participate in more attractive social and economic measures.