Gender Identity as a Political Cue: Voter Responses to Transgender Candidates
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 81, Heft 2, S. 697-701
ISSN: 1468-2508
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 81, Heft 2, S. 697-701
ISSN: 1468-2508
In: Politics, Groups, and Identities, Band 5, Heft 3, S. 399-417
ISSN: 2156-5511
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 83, Heft 4, S. 1199-1215
ISSN: 1468-2508
In: The public opinion quarterly: POQ, Band 82, Heft 2, S. 252-278
ISSN: 1537-5331
In: PS: political science & politics, Band 53, Heft 3, S. 453-459
ISSN: 1537-5935
In 2017, transgender woman Danica Roem stunned political observers in Virginia by unseating a long-time anti-LGBTQ legislator from a conservative district in the Virginia House of Delegates.1 She was the first openly transgender person elected and seated to a state legislature. Delegate Roem's election was historic in LGBTQ political representation, but it also occurred in a period when backlash against the LGBTQ community seemed to be growing (Taylor, Lewis, and Haider-Markel 2018). These two threads led us to ask: How are LGBTQ candidates achieving historic successes even as forces seem mobilized against them?
In: Armed forces & society, S. 0095327X2211176
ISSN: 1556-0848
This article explores how the public understands military service and diversity. Using a conjoint survey experiment, we ask respondents to select between two candidates for promotion. We randomly present respondents' two profiles, which vary the candidates' gender, race, sexual orientation, marital status, number of years served, number of deployments, combat experience, and branch of the military. We find that respondents do not discount candidates based on their branch of service, gender, race, or marital status. However, respondents do weigh the candidates' combat experience, number of years served, and number of deployments favorably. Finally, respondents penalize candidates based on their sexual orientation: Homosexual individuals are less likely to be selected for promotion. Furthermore, respondents especially discounted transgender individuals for promotion. Important differences, we show in this article, also exist between conservative and liberal respondents, as well as between male and female respondents.
In: European journal of politics and gender, Band 5, Heft 1, S. 83-108
ISSN: 2515-1096
The rapid adoption of marriage equality legislation for non-heterosexual individuals in Europe is attributed to many factors, including dramatic shifts in public opinion, the work of transnational activists and changing international norms. Usually, these factors must be filtered through the halls of parliaments where most policy change happens. Given the importance of parliamentarians' attitudes, it is surprising that we know so little about how attitudes towards same-sex marriage are distributed across political candidates in Europe and what factors shape them. This article fills that gap by using an underutilised dataset on the political preferences of candidates for parliamentary office. We find that beyond attachment to party families, a candidate's religiosity and practice has a greater effect on a would-be Member of Parliament's attitudes towards same-sex marriage. The findings suggest that the success of parliamentary action on lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender rights depends not on the partisan composition of the legislature, but rather on the representation of secular candidates.
In: The Forum: a journal of applied research in contemporary politics, Band 19, Heft 3, S. 349-364
ISSN: 1540-8884
Using the extensive battery of issue questions included in the 2020 ANES survey, I find that a single underlying liberal-conservative dimension largely explains the policy preferences of ordinary Americans across a wide range of issues including the size and scope of the welfare state, abortion, gay and transgender rights, race relations, immigration, gun control and climate change. I find that the distribution of preferences on this liberal-conservative issue scale is highly polarized with Democratic identifiers and leaners located overwhelmingly on the left, Republican identifiers and leaners located overwhelmingly on the right and little overlap between the two distributions. Finally, I show that ideological preferences strongly predict feelings toward the parties and presidential candidates. These findings indicate that polarization in the American public has a rational foundation. Hostility toward the opposing party reflects strong disagreement with the policies of the opposing party. As long as the parties remain on the opposite sides of almost all major issues, feelings of mistrust and animosity are unlikely to diminish regardless of Donald Trump's future role in the Republican Party.
In: Southeastern Europe: L' Europe du sud-est, Band 40, Heft 1, S. 81-104
ISSN: 1876-3332
This paper discusses the developmental dynamics of Bosnian and Herzegovinian (BiH) lgbt (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) activism in the context of the European integration (Europeanization) process. Although the official politics of BiH authorities aspires towards the European Union (eu), the country's political deadlock and the steady position of the potential eu candidate, have created conditions in which activism operates with declarative and financial support from European organizations while having very limited impact on policies and local institutions. In this set-up, lgbt activism and non-heterosexual sexualities are placed between the specific local context of an ethnocratic state and the Western European narratives of lgbt rights and freedoms. I draw upon a range of primary sources, including the material obtained through a series of semi-structured interviews with activists, to argue that, for the time being, the lgbt movement in BiH lacks either governmental, political or societal support. However, marginal sites of non-heteronormative resistance could potentially appear as a departure point for creating an intersectionality-sensitive political platform from which to struggle for a general civic and political equality and institutional accountability.
In: East European politics, Band 33, Heft 4, S. 517-535
ISSN: 2159-9165
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