Nomenclature in the World Professional Association for Transgender Health'sStandards of Care: Background and Recommendations
In: The international journal of transgenderism: IJT, Band 11, Heft 1, S. 42-52
ISSN: 1434-4599
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In: The international journal of transgenderism: IJT, Band 11, Heft 1, S. 42-52
ISSN: 1434-4599
In: Journal of gay & lesbian social services: issues in practice, policy & research, Band 19, Heft 3-4, S. 9-29
ISSN: 1540-4056
In: Journal of LGBT youth: an international quarterly devoted to research, policy, theory, and practice, Band 5, Heft 4, S. 11-27
ISSN: 1936-1661
Smoking prevalence in the lesbian and gay community exceeds that in nearly all other demographic groups. In 2001, we undertook a four-year research project to study tobacco industry targeting of the lesbian and gay community. We researched formerly-secret tobacco industry documents, analyzed tobacco content in the gay press, interviewed leaders of LGBT organizations, and conducted focus groups with LGBT smokers and nonsmokers. We found that tobacco companies began to advertise in the gay press in the early 1990s, initially wary of unfavorable publicity and quick to deny doing so when confronted. At the same time, the tobacco industry began to sponsor community organizations and events, especially those for AIDS-related causes, which helped burnish the industry's reputation. Many leaders and members of the community viewed this attention from major corporations as a sign that the community was becoming visible and more acceptable. Our study found that most LGBT leaders did not consider tobacco a "gay issue". Focused on gay-specific concerns, such as homophobia, they saw tobacco as irrelevant or even a distraction from their missions. Twenty two percent of organizations we studied reported accepting financial support from the tobacco industry. Only 24% thought tobacco was one of the top three health concerns of the community. Many believed that smoking was solely a personal choice, not an issue of concern for the community as a whole. The queer press normalized smoking. Images of tobacco, most conveying positive or neutral messages, were common. We found that many ads for products other than cigarettes glamorized smoking, and many articles having nothing to do with smoking were illustrated with tobacco use images. Only 11% of all non-advertising items we found (images and text) imparted a negative message about tobacco use. Very few LGBT publications had policies against accepting tobacco ads. By the time the study ended, an increasing number of LGBT advocates were working in tobacco control. We recommend activities that promote a community dialogue about the real costs of accepting tobacco industry advertising and funding. For example, some groups are urging LGBT politicians and organizations to sign pledges not to take tobacco industry money. As mainstream tobacco control has begun to recognize the need of the LGBT community for services, we recommend that LGBT organizations apply for funding, perhaps using the infrastructures the community has developed to provide services for breast cancer and HIV. Additional research to develop models for getting tobacco on the community's agenda would be useful. For example, understanding how alcohol and other drugs became seen as gay-specific community concerns—even though, like tobacco, they affect everyone—could be helpful. Finding ways to challenge the views of some young gay people—that most queers smoke—might make it easier to help them remain smokefree. Perhaps a greater understanding of the coming out process—in which one's authentic self challenges societal norms—could help arm young people with the strength to resist tobacco. Finally, one of the lessons of the larger LGBT movement itself—the importance of holding institutions accountable for the harm they cause—might help the community stop thinking of smoking as a personal issue, and think of it instead as a systemic issue, with a culpable industry at the heart of the problem. * Many community organizations define themselves as lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT). When possible, we included bisexual and transgender people in our study. Throughout this paper, the terms LGBT, queer, and gay are used interchangeably to acknowledge the diversity of the community and to respect the variety of ways in which LGBT people identify themselves.
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In: Women in management review, Band 22, Heft 6
ISSN: 1758-7182
Offers a multidimensional picture of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) health across clinical and social disciplines to give readers an understanding of these diverse populations. This book gives coverage of research methodology concerns, and critical insights into the sociopolitical context of LGBT individuals' health and lives
In: Journal of LGBT issues in counseling, Band 3, Heft 3-4, S. 215-234
ISSN: 1553-8338
In: Practical theology, Band 1, Heft 3, S. 341-358
ISSN: 1756-0748
In: Hypatia: a journal of feminist philosophy, Band 24, Heft 3, S. 11-32
ISSN: 1527-2001
For nearly twenty years, Anglo-American feminist theory has posed its own epistemological questions by looking at the lives and bodies of transsexuals and transvestites. This paper examines the impact of such scholarship on improving the everyday lives of the people central to such feminist argumentation. Drawing on indigenous scholarship and activisms, I conclude with a consideration of some central principles necessary to engage in feminist research and theory—to involve marginal people in the production of knowledge and to transform the knowledge-production process itself.
In: Gender and development, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 259-271
ISSN: 1364-9221
In: Journal of LGBT youth: an international quarterly devoted to research, policy, theory, and practice, Band 6, Heft 2-3, S. 288-309
ISSN: 1936-1661
In: The international journal of transgenderism: IJT, Band 8, Heft 2-3, S. 5-19
ISSN: 1434-4599
In: Journal of LGBT youth: an international quarterly devoted to research, policy, theory, and practice, Band 6, Heft 4, S. 416-435
ISSN: 1936-1661