This article suggests that the attacks of September 11 & March 11 -- here viewed within the context of low-intensity conflicts -- represent a new pattern of transnational "barbarism," defined by the search for spectacular effects & by its especially repulsive character. The terrorists don't seem to want to have access to the statu quo. Therefore the terrorist activities constitute a form of limited war, a sort of ideology of barbarism. It is also suggested that September 11 represents the closing of the post-Cold War transition, which opens a new phase of international politics characterized by uncertainty, new vulnerabilities, & the emergence of new transnational actors which challenge the Westphalian states' model. Lastly, the author considers that the international system is fundamentally unipolar, which transforms the United States & their allies as the main targets of those who have the most to lose from globalization. References. Adapted from the source document.
Presente Special Issue aims to analyze the narratives and practices of internal security in your internal / external connections. The complexity of risks and threats have questioned the conceptualizations, policies and organic, based on a rigid separation between internal and external security. In response to transnational challenges, the state actor has diversified palette of cooperatives mechanisms: institutionalized interstate cooperation; of security regimes; co-operation between state actors and private actors; networks transgovernmental relations. In summary, we can identify three aspects of the nexus in / out: 'internalization of external phenomena incidence; externalization of internal phenomena initially incidence; phenomena of cross-border nature.' Regarding the externalization of internal security, it is therefore associated with the missions of international transnational criminal activities, the explicit goals of internal security in foreign policies, the interstate cooperatives and transgovernmental mechanisms in the field of internal security and police in situations of post-conflict. Adapted from the source document.
Partindo de um quadro teórico neo-gramsciano crítico à globalização, este artigo aplica a nova teoria do regionalismo (NTR) e a teoria do regionalismo regulatório (TRR) à sua análise e teorização dos tratados de comércio da Aliança Bolivariana para os Povos da Nossa América (ALBA-TCP) como regionalismo contra-hegemônico na América Latina e Caribe (ALC). A ALBA está centrada na ideia de um Socialismo do Século XXI, que, como (inicialmente) também a Revolução Bolivariana da Venezuela, substitui a 'vantagem competitiva' pela 'vantagem cooperativa'. Em seu caráter de conjunto de processos multidimensionais e transnacionais a ALBA-TCP opera dentro de/transversalmente a um número de setores e escalas, ao mesmo passo que as transformações estruturais são movidas pela interação de agentes do Estado e agentes não estatais. A política de Educação Superior para Todos (ESPT) do governo venezuelano rejeita a agenda neoliberal globalizada de mercadorização, privatização e elitismo e reinvindica educação pública gratuita em todos os níveis como um direito humano fundamental. A ESPT está sendo regionalizado em um espaço educacional emergente da ALBA e assume um papel-chave nos processos de democracia direta e participatória, dos quais a construção popular (bottom-up) da contra-hegemonia e a redefinição política e econômica da ALC dependem. Antes de produzir sujeitos empreendedores conformes ao capitalismo global, a ESPT procura formar subjetividades ao longo de valores morais de solidariedade e cooperação. Isso será ilustrado com referência a um estudo etnográfico de caso da Universidade Bolivariana da Venezuela (UBV). ; This paper employs new regionalism theory and regulatory regionalism theory in its analysis and theorisation of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) as a counter-hegemonic Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) regionalism. As (initially) the regionalisation of Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution, ALBA is centred around the idea of a 21st Century Socialism that replaces the 'competitive advantage' with the 'cooperative advantage'. ALBA, as a set of multi-dimensional inter- and transnational processes, operates within and across a range of sectors and scales whilst the structural transformations are driven by the interplay of state and non-state actors. The Venezuelan government's Higher Education For All (HEFA) policy, which is being regionalised within an emergent ALBA education space, assumes a key role in the direct democratic and participatory democratic processes upon which a bottom-up construction of counter-hegemony depends. HEFA challenges the globalised neoliberal higher education agenda of commoditisation, privatisation and elitism. Rather than producing enterprising subjects fashioned for global capitalism, HEFA seeks to form subjectivities along the moral values of solidarity and cooperation.
