16 pages ; International audience ; This essay is drawn from wider research on Palestinian transnational spaces in the UK, and based on an analysis of general publications, newsletters, various resources available on websites, pamphlets, and observations during activities organised by these groups. After introducing the situation of Palestinians in the UK, I will situate the present study in the historical context of the formation of transnational practices among these communities. I will then consider grassroots solidarity networks engaged in development projects in Palestine, as part of wider campaigns to support Palestinian human and national rights. I will mainly focus on two campaigns - BIG and Stop the Wall Campaigns - that involve actors in the UK, Palestine and worldwide to stress on new developments in grassroots politics in relation to Palestine, since these practices epitomise the interaction between local and global processes in the formation of transnational politics. Finally, this will enable me to examine the relationship between transnational politics, nation-state building and local political practices in pro-Palestinian advocacy, underlying the possible role of these actions in reshaping social contexts, both in the UK and in Palestine.
16 pages ; International audience ; This essay is drawn from wider research on Palestinian transnational spaces in the UK, and based on an analysis of general publications, newsletters, various resources available on websites, pamphlets, and observations during activities organised by these groups. After introducing the situation of Palestinians in the UK, I will situate the present study in the historical context of the formation of transnational practices among these communities. I will then consider grassroots solidarity networks engaged in development projects in Palestine, as part of wider campaigns to support Palestinian human and national rights. I will mainly focus on two campaigns - BIG and Stop the Wall Campaigns - that involve actors in the UK, Palestine and worldwide to stress on new developments in grassroots politics in relation to Palestine, since these practices epitomise the interaction between local and global processes in the formation of transnational politics. Finally, this will enable me to examine the relationship between transnational politics, nation-state building and local political practices in pro-Palestinian advocacy, underlying the possible role of these actions in reshaping social contexts, both in the UK and in Palestine.
When the Rhodesian Government in November 1965 declared independence from Great Britain, first the British Government and then the United Nations imposed economic sanctions against Rhodesia to compel that Government "to return to legality," The experience of the past 10 years shows that not only have economic sanctions not brought about the intended political changes, but also that Rhodesia has, in fact, prospered.
For scholars of global environmental politics, transnational actors are a central focus, and many ascribe significant influence to them. However, it is not always clear how their influence is felt or what strategies are most effective. Most studies that do consider these issues focus on the influence of either environmental non-governmental organisations (NGOs) or business groups on one international outcome. Very few studies analyse these actors together. This limits the generalisability of conclusions. Remarkably, almost none of this work has considered the influence of these actors and the strategies they could employ in prolonged environmental negotiations that last many years or decades. Drawing on a rich empirical data set from the international climate negotiations, both are addressed. How the influence of transnational environmental NGOs and business groups is felt in long negotiations is considered, and three strategies are identified that these actors can use to influence not only state behaviour but each other as well.
For scholars of global environmental politics, transnational actors are a central focus, and many ascribe significant influence to them. However, it is not always clear how their influence is felt or what strategies are most effective. Most studies that do consider these issues focus on the influence of either environmental non-governmental organisations (NGOs) or business groups on one international outcome. Very few studies analyse these actors together. This limits the generalisability of conclusions. Remarkably, almost none of this work has considered the influence of these actors and the strategies they could employ in prolonged environmental negotiations that last many years or decades. Drawing on a rich empirical data set from the international climate negotiations, both are addressed. How the influence of transnational environmental NGOs and business groups is felt in long negotiations is considered, and three strategies are identified that these actors can use to influence not only state behaviour but each other as well.
Plenarvortrag Weltkongress der Rechtsphilosophie und Sozialphilosophie, 24.-29. Mai, Granada 2005. S.a. die deutsche Fassung: "Die anonyme Matrix: Menschenrechtsverletzungen durch "private" transnationale Akteure". Spanische Fassung: Sociedad global, justicia fragmentada: sobre la violatión de los derechos humanos por actores transnacionales 'privados'. In: Manuel Escamilla and Modesto Saavedra (eds.), Law and Justice in a global society, International Association for philosophy of law and social philosophy, Granada 2005, S. 547-562 und in "Anales de öa Catedra Francisco Suarez 2005". S.a. Teubner, Gunther: Globalized Justice - Fragmented Justice. Human Rights Violations by "Private" Transnational Actors
1\. Introduction 5 1.1 Why Mexico and Turkey and Their Incorporation into Regional Blocs? 7 1.2 Regionalization, Globalization, Institutional Change and Decoupling 9 2\. The EU Accession Process and Differential Impact in Turkey: Failed Dialogue, Empowered Organizations 10 2.1 Failed Europeanization in Social Dialogue: the Economic and Social Council in Turkey 12 2.2 Non-EU External Actors and Bilateral Coordination Platforms at Work 13 2.3 The EU and Partial Empowerment of Corporatist Organizations in Turkey 14 2.4 The EU and the Burgeoning-Polarized-Cohesion of Turkish Business 16 3\. NAFTA Accession and Changes in Social Dialogue in Mexico 18 3.1 NAFTA, Transnationalization and Mexico's Decaying Corporatism: A Case for Nafta-ization or North- Americanization 18 3.2 Transnationalization, NAFTA, Changing Institutions and Organizational Landscape in Mexico 20 4\. Conclusion 22 References 25 ; This working paper explores the processes in which accession to different regional blocs has affected the ways the state interacts with societal actors, along with the interest representation and mediation models in both member and accession countries. Focusing on Turkey and Mexico, two upper-middle-income countries situated on the fringes of major powers and integrated into the regional blocs led by those, the paper examines the differential impact of the European Union (EU) and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on the organization and mediation of business interests; the ways in which these interests are incorporated into policy-making; and the processes of social dialogue. Taking into consideration the fundamental differences between these two regionalisms, it looks into both direct and indirect mechanisms with respect to the influence of regional-level actors on domestic actors and institutions. Maintaining that the impact of regional blocs cannot be easily isolated from that of international, transnational actors and processes, the paper scrutinizes the respective roles of international actors and ...
Ten years after the fall of Gaddafi's regime, Libya still has not adopted a permanent constitution. Over the last decade, both national bodies and transnational actors have taken part in constitution-making; however, all efforts have been unsuccessful so far. While the scholarship on post-2011 Libya has mainly focused on the impact of local events and national actors on this process, this essay outlines the recent history of Libya's constitution-making by stressing the intermingling of the activities of local bodies and transnational actors. By using the theorical lens of transnational legal orders (TLOs), it claims that two TLOs – the Western liberal democratic TLO and the Islamic one - will coexist if the 2017 draft constitution is adopted. Nevertheless, both TLOs would be necessary to reinforce the legitimacy of the constitution before, on the one hand, international organisations and Western countries and the Libyan population, on the other. ; Ten years after the fall of Gaddafi's regime, Libya still has not adopted a permanent constitution. Over the last decade, both national bodies and transnational actors have taken part in constitution-making; however, all efforts have been unsuccessful so far. While the scholarship on post-2011 Libya has mainly focused on the impact of local events and national actors on this process, this essay outlines the recent history of Libya's constitution-making by stressing the intermingling of the activities of local bodies and transnational actors. By using the theorical lens of transnational legal orders (TLOs), it claims that two TLOs – the Western liberal democratic TLO and the Islamic one - will coexist if the 2017 draft constitution is adopted. Nevertheless, both TLOs would be necessary to reinforce the legitimacy of the constitution before, on the one hand, international organisations and Western countries and the Libyan population, on the other.
In cities that are pursuing climate change adaptation actions, transnational actors are critical catalysts for financing programs, generating public awareness, and legitimizing the agenda. However, scholars of urban climate adaptation have yet to understand whether such external interventions have long-lasting effects on the sustainability and equity of urban governance processes, particularly when placed in context with competing development priorities across the global South. In this paper, I draw on experiences from three cities in India – Surat, Indore, and Bhubaneswar – to analyze the multilevel dynamics that link local adaptation actions with their supporting transnational networks and funders. Drawing on a comparative multi-scale case study methodology, I find that current capacity deficits in Indian cities indeed allow external actors to catalyze adaptation, but this relationship becomes more dialectical farther into the planning and implementation stages. The governance of climate adaptation in fact involves embedding adaptation into bureaucratic practices, financial processes, spatial plans, and institutional cultures. The interaction between these four pathways results in the coproduction of knowledge, co-creation of options, and inter- institutionalization of standards, practices, and behaviors. A particular actor's ability to exert authority over how interventions are framed, financed, bureaucratized, and built across the urban landscape then yields different patterns of adaptation. This finding therefore reasserts the role of urban political actors operating within the global climate governance regime and the marketplace for climate finance.
In Anlehnung an das Webersche Konzept legitimer Herrschaft lässt sich die Fähigkeit effektiv zu regieren, nicht nur im Sinne von Zwang und/oder Anreizen verstehen, sondern gerade auch durch die verbreitete Anerkennung von Akteuren als legitime "Autoritäten". Wie viele Beobachter überzeugend argumentiert haben, spielen Nichtregierungsorganisationen und internationale Bürokratien eine entscheidende – und vielleicht auch zunehmend wichtigere – Rolle in der internationalen Politik, gerade weil sie als normative und epistemische Autoritäten anerkannt werden. Das Entstehen einer denationalisierten "multicentric world" (James Rosenau) wird entsprechend oft behauptet, obwohl die empirische Beweislage bestenfalls unvollständig ist. Im Rekurs auf Arbeiten von Pierre Bourdieu und Jürgen Habermas wird argumentiert, dass die Art und Weise, wie die Akteure in politischen Debatten kommunikativ auf andere als "Autoritäten" verweisen, eine Antwort auf die Frage liefert, inwieweit sich ein solcher Prozess politischer Denationalisierung tatsächlich abzeichnet. Das Papier illustriert den Mehrwert entsprechender Forschung zu "Autoritätskommunikation" anhand einer Textanalyse von Debatten über die humanitäre Krise im Sudan/ Darfur. Texte aus sechs öffentlichen Foren werden vergleichend untersucht: zwei Parlamenten (US-Repräsentantenhaus, britisches Unterhaus), zwei "neuen Medien" (CNN.com, BBC.uk) und zwei "klassischen" Zeitungen (Guardian, New York Times). Angesichts unzuverlässiger Informationen hinsichtlich des Ausmaßes menschlichen Leids, dessen lokaler Kontexte und Ursachen, so wird argumentiert, ist die Völkergemeinschaft dringend auf glaubwürdige Informationen und Interpretationen angewiesen – Informationen darüber, was diese Ereignisse für sie selbst hinsichtlich ihrer eigenen Kapazitäten und Pflichten bedeuten. Internationale und nichtstaatliche Akteure werden so zu integralen Bestandteilen verschiedener politischer Arenen, zu epistemischen Autoritäten ("Experten"), die den Mangel an ausreichendem Faktenwissen der Journalisten, Politiker und der Öffentlichkeit kompensieren. Darüber hinaus verleiht der Ruf humanitärer Organisationen als moralischem "Weltgewissen" entsprechenden Appellen den Impetus einer autoritativen Definition von Verantwortung. Indem man die Art und Weise betrachtet, wie auf internationale Institutionen und Nichtregierungsorganisationen verwiesen wird, so die These, lässt sich deren Akkumulation an "symbolischer Macht" untersuchen. ; Following a Weberian notion of legitimate rule, the ability to govern effectively may not only be conceived in terms of coercion or incentives, but also the willingness of people to recognize actors as legitimate "authorities" in a number of ways. As many scholars have convincingly argued, non-governmental agencies and international bureaucracies play a decisive – and maybe increasing – role in international politics by being recognized as regulative, moral or epistemic authorities. An oft-claimed trend towards a denationalized "multic-centric-world" (James Rosenau) may result, although empirical evidence is incomplete at best. Building on the work of Pierre Bourdieu and Juergen Habermas, this paper argues that looking at the way actors refer to others as "authorities" during political debates enables us to answer the question to what extent a process of political denationalization is actually taking place. To illustrate the usefulness of such research on the "authority talk," the paper draws on a text analysis of debates on the humanitarian crisis in Sudan/Darfur taking place in six public fora: two parliamentary chambers (the US House of Representatives and the UK House of Commons), two "new" media outlets (CNN.com and BBC.uk), and two "classic" newspapers (The Guardian and The New York Times). the paper focuses on the humanitarian crisis in Sudan/Darfur. Given unreliable information in terms of the scale of human suffering and its local context and causes, societies abroad are in desperate need for credible information and interpretations about what it "means to them," in terms of their own capacities and duties. This is where international and non-state actors become integral parts of various political arenas, as epistemic authorities ("experts") that compensate for the lack of sufficient factual knowledge held by journalists, politicians and audiences alike. Moreover, the reputation of humanitarian agencies as the moral conscience of the "world" gives their calls for action the impetus of an authoritative definition of responsibilities. By looking at the way actors refer to international and non-state institutions, it is argued, we can research their accumulation of "symbolic power."
In: Agustin , L R 2009 , ' Empowerment through participation? Collective mobilization and transnational women's movements as actors in the European sphere ' , Paper presented at COST ACTION A 34 Fifth Symposium: Social Movements and Well-Being , Amsterdam , Netherlands , 04/03/2009 - 07/03/2009 .
The notions of wellbeing and empowerment are, in their political participation dimension, interlinked with civil society activism and collective mobilisation. Usually these ideas are discussed in relation to either the national or the global level, but they are relevant as well to the emerging transnational European sphere. This paper analyses the role of transnational civil society actors as mediators of wellbeing for the ones active within the organisations and networks. The objective is to assess wellbeing as the ability to participate in political activities both in terms of who participates and how the organisations are structured as well as the European institutional set-up surrounding their actions, thereby restraining or enhancing their opportunities of participation. The paper, thus, addresses both the possibilities of access and generation of wellbeing and argues that political participation as wellbeing and empowerment is both a matter of representation and recognition.
A limited population growth with the spread of fertility regulation was no state aim in the 1960s Mexico, till the early 1970s brought radical changes. Until now population policy in Mexico from the 1960s to 1980s was seen as lead and controlled by the central government. But the dissertations can show which and that transnational influences were behind changes, how governments as the US found ways to influence and change policy without acting obviously. Central actors in this field, transnationally and in Mexico, were non-state actors in their connecting networks. The dissertation not only shows and contextualizes fertility regulation and policies concerning in this time in Mexico in a new way, close to sources from Mexico, the US and elsewhere. It shows how communication, sciences or education were instrumentalized to spread transnational and non-state ideals and arguments, marked and presented as Mexican and state ideals and arguments. This "undercover movement" is discovered and differentiated shown.
This paper explores transnational environmental agreements on climate change. As the Paris agreement of 2015 contains no binding emission reduction targets for nation states, understanding other forms of cooperation as complements to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) process becomes increasingly important. We thus aim to identify directions for further research on agreements with heterogeneous contracting parties. By building on empirical examples of emerging transnational environmental agreements, and on insights from the global governance literature, we discuss the scope and limits of the current economic literature on international environmental agreements. We argue that further game theoretical research would benefit from extending the analysis (i) to consider actors that are not nation state governments, and (ii) to consider multiple environmental agreements that are in force at the same time. We underpin this claim by suggesting two proposals for economic models that analyze climate clubs and city alliances. The results show that transnational environmental agreements can be individually rational and can improve the effectiveness of climate policies.
In: Kaiser , W & McMahon , R 2017 , ' Introduction - narrating European integration : transnational actors and stories ' National Identities , vol 19 , no. 2 , pp. 149-160 . DOI:10.1080/14608944.2016.1274722
This article introduces the special issue on narrating European integration. Narratives, or stories, are a key mechanism for constructing individual and collective identities, and other politically important elements of discourse. The articles in this special issue go beyond most existing work on narratives. First, they examine the actors and networks, ranging from EU institutions to political parties and social groups, which create, foster and disseminate narratives. Second, they address major narratives and sets of narrating actors of at least a partly transnational nature. Third, the authors transgress disciplinary boundaries, drawing on contemporary history, sociology, political science and cultural studies.
This paper argues that parties abroad are the actors of a new arena for citizenship and party politics. The proliferation of overseas voting and the development of representative institutions for emigrants has transformed and reinforced the civic and political links between sending-states and their diaspora. This has also created new opportunities for political entrepreneurs and political parties tasked with reaching out to citizens living abroad. Yet research on political parties and on transnationalism has almost never crossed paths. This has created a gap in our knowledge on political parties abroad, demonstrating the timeliness of a special issue on political parties abroad. This paper introduces this special issue and presents an overview of the main theoretical questions and debates addressed in the articles. We emphasize existing gaps in the literature and stress the importance of a better understanding of the growing phenomenon of political parties abroad. We also explain why a comparative approach is necessary to tackle the issue of political parties abroad, offering a theoretically-minded framework. Our summaries of the papers in this special issue highlight how they relate to the more general questions discussed in our introduction. ; SCOPUS: ed.j ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published