Over the last decade both national and local actors in Spain have picked up on international trends encouraging a policy framework of migration and development. Policies of codevelopment are tied in with issues of migration management in the sense of linking current and future migration flows with processes of development in the country of origin. However, this article demonstrates how codevelopment policies and initiatives of local governments in Catalonia also relate to migrants' local process of incorporation in their country of residence. In so doing the article seeks to bridge and contribute to studies of migration and development as well as issues of national and local citizenship and migrant incorporation. Importantly, the article highlights the role of receiving country local governments in the nexus between migrant transnational practices and processes of incorporation.
Examines the growing tendency for transnational actors to join in protests against centralized targets. Issues addressed include the likelihood of transnational European mobilization becoming a common phenomenon; how these mobilizations are linked to patterns of European integration; & the potential for a new form of citizen politics. Quantitative analyses of the effects of European integration on contentious politics across member-states of the European Union (EU) are described using a data set on European contentious politics drawn from 1984-1997 Reuters newswire reports. Protests included both domesticated & transnational European protests, with the latter subdivided into cooperative transnationalism, competitive transnationalism, & collective European protest. It was found that formation of the EU has spawned new opportunities as well as constraints for domestic social actors, eg, farmers, fishermen, construction workers, & miners. Further, the largest proportion of contentious political responses to the policies of the EU took domestic rather than transnational forms. 6 Tables, 2 Figures. J. Lindroth
Examines the growing tendency for transnational actors to join in protests against centralized targets. Issues addressed include the likelihood of transnational European mobilization becoming a common phenomenon; how these mobilizations are linked to patterns of European integration; & the potential for a new form of citizen politics. Quantitative analyses of the effects of European integration on contentious politics across member-states of the European Union (EU) are described using a data set on European contentious politics drawn from 1984-1997 Reuters newswire reports. Protests included both domesticated & transnational European protests, with the latter subdivided into cooperative transnationalism, competitive transnationalism, & collective European protest. It was found that formation of the EU has spawned new opportunities as well as constraints for domestic social actors, eg, farmers, fishermen, construction workers, & miners. Further, the largest proportion of contentious political responses to the policies of the EU took domestic rather than transnational forms. 6 Tables, 2 Figures. J. Lindroth
Decisions that affect the life chances and wellbeing of citizens are increasingly being made in international settings that are only indirectly connected to the democratic institutions where those citizens have a voice. Global and regional governance organizations not only lack the democratic legitimacy of states but also there are few mechanisms that make them accountable to the citizens that their decision making most affects. Civil society groups have exposed this gap between the jurisdiction and the impact of supra-state organizations and have proposed various ways of addressing it. Feminist analysis has highlighted the masculine preserve of traditionally closed-door multilateral trade and security discussions and negotiations. It has also highlighted the unequal and deeply structural gender impact of this style of policy making. Women's movements have found international organizations to be especially challenging institutional settings within which to achieve policy influence. Yet transnational feminist networks have the political and ethical resources to make global governance organizations more accountable to a broader constituency. This article explores this phenomenon through an examination of the Women Leaders' Network (WLN) and its efforts to make Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation more accountable to women as political and economic actors. The WLN is the only women's transnational advocacy network to have directly and routinely engaged with an economic intergovernmental organization. An analysis of the limits and potentials of the WLN model highlights accountability issues for APEC (Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation) and other regional or global governance organizations, as well as for the WLN and transnational civil society networks more generally. (Pac Rev/GIGA)
AbstractThis article takes an actor‐centered and bottom‐up perspective to analyze how private companies shape public responses to migration in Europe. It builds on ethnographic research with top managers and civil servants involved in visa policy, asylum reception, and immigration detention. Drawing on organizational theories about decisions and change, I analyze empirical evidence to put forward processes of international migration governance that take account of private and public actors, the implementation stage of policy‐making, the organizational and informal dynamics underpinning decisions and change within and across borders of polity, therefore adopting a transnational lens. I show three interrelated aspects: Personal contacts, informal interactions, and informal exchange that promote private companies' business while affecting change in the delivery of public policies; private companies' involvement in decision‐making and their engagement in solution‐driven processes of change; the diffusion of organizational responses to migration across national contexts, which contribute to transnational change.
Female combatants play a central role in rebel efforts to cultivate and disseminate positive narratives regarding the movement and its political goals. Yet, the effectiveness of such strategies in shaping audience attitudes or generating tangible benefits for the group remains unclear. We propose and test a theory regarding the channels through which female fighters advance rebel goals. We argue that female fighters positively influence audience attitudes toward rebel groups by strengthening observers' beliefs about their legitimacy and their decision to use armed tactics. We further contend that these effects directly help them secure support from transnational nonstate actors and indirectly promote state support. We assess our arguments by combining a novel survey experiment in two countries with analyses of new cross-national data on female combatants and information about transnational support for rebels. The empirical results support our arguments and demonstrate the impact of gender framing on rebel efforts to secure support.
Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- About the Author -- 1 Introduction -- 1.1 Putting Lawyers into the Picture -- 1.2 Commonwealth Laws, Links, and Networks -- 1.3 The Organization of the Book -- References -- 2 Applying the Lens of Transnational Advocacy Networks to Human Rights Litigation -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Litigation, Norms, and Networks -- 2.3 Litigation as Norm Diffusion -- 2.4 Cause Lawyers as Norm Entrepreneurs -- 2.5 Conclusion -- References -- 3 Transnational Legal Citation as Method of Norm Diffusion -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Global Judicial Dialogue as Method of Norm Diffusion -- 3.3 Legal Advocates as Instrumental Actors in Transnational Legal Citation -- 3.4 A Role for the Global South -- 3.5 Conclusion -- References -- 4 Litigation and the Abolition of the Mandatory Death Penalty -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Abolition of the Death Penalty as Emerging International Norm -- 4.3 Commonwealth Death Penalty Litigation as Norm Diffusion -- 4.4 The Impact of Litigation on Death Penalty Norms -- 4.5 Diffusion of the Anti-mandatory Death Penalty Norm Through Litigation -- 4.6 The Harmonizing Effects of Transnational Death Penalty Jurisprudence -- 4.6.1 Kenya Supreme Court: Muruatetu v. Attorney General -- 4.6.2 Caribbean Court of Justice: Nervais and Severin v. Queen -- 4.7 Conclusion -- References -- 5 Litigation and the Decriminalization of Homosexuality -- 5.1 Introduction -- 5.2 LGBT Rights as Norms in Diffusion -- 5.3 Toward a Commonwealth Strategy to Abolish Anti-sodomy Laws -- 5.4 The Transnational Judicial Dialogue and Anti-sodomy Laws -- 5.5 A Shift Toward the Global South? -- 5.5.1 Belize Supreme Court: Orozco v. Attorney General -- 5.5.2 India Supreme Court: From Naz Foundation to Johar v. Union of India -- 5.5.3 The Kenya and Botswana High Courts: Gitari and Motshidiemang -- 5.6 Conclusion -- References.
AbstractThis article assesses the contribution of a 'transnational', non-State actor agreement, namely, the 'Equator Principles', in terms of its possible contribution to both the making and implementation of international environmental law. It examines the provenance of the 'Equator Principles', as well as how far these Principles purport to interpret and apply important international environmental principles. While several formal difficulties remain to be overcome, this article considers the case for the inclusion of significant transnational, non-State actors like the Equator Banks and their agreements, such as the 'Equator Principles', within the international legal system as a further and alternative means of implementing these important environmental principles.
Many scholars have recently argued that nation-state—centered approaches in comparative sociology and political science are obsolete. In this view, we have entered, or are about to enter, a new "postnational" or "transnational" era characterized by complex and qualitatively new patterns of multilevel governance, in which the nation-state still plays a role, though a drastically reduced one.1 This decline of the nation-state's sovereignty is said to be accompanied by a growing importance of supranational and transnational actors, institutions, legal norms, and discourses, on the one hand, and increased local autonomy from national constraints, on the other. Given the inherently transnational nature of migration, it is not surprising that this critique of national approaches has been particularly prominent in this field of study.
Many of the issues that are today part of the discussions surrounding international investment agreements were first dealt with when governments sought to negotiate a United Nations Code of Conduct on Transnational Corporations (and various related instruments) almost 40 years ago. The Code was meant to establish a multilateral framework to define, in a balanced manner, the rights and responsibilities of transnational corporations and host country governments in their relations with each other. This article looks at the origins of these negotiations, the underlying interest situations of the participating country groups, the experience of related negotiations, the actual negotiations of the Code, the reasons for the failure of the negotiations, the current situation, and factors driving change. The article concludes with lessons learned from the Code and related negotiations. These lessons may be of interest to current efforts to improve the international investment law and policy regime. What rules should govern the behavior of transnational corporations (TNCs) in the countries in which they are established, and what rules should govern the treatment of these firms by the governments of host countries? This challenge has been on the international agenda since the end of World War II. However, it was only in the late 1970s that negotiators began to formulate a comprehensive multilateral instrument, the United Nations Code of Conduct on Transnational Corporations, to tackle this challenge. In parallel to these negotiations (and subsequent to them), negotiations were also undertaken on specific aspects of the activities of TNCs, the principal private actors in international economic relations and important forces in individual economies. Although the Code negotiations – serviced by the United Nations Centre on Transnational Corporations (UNCTC) – came to naught, they crystallized the basic interest situations of the principal stakeholders and key issues associated with them, and they laid bare a number of the obstacles that governments seeking a multilateral investment instrument need to overcome. Many of these are still with us today and await an international solution.
Neoliberal policies alter development funding, practice, and actors. One effect of this is an increase in untrained individuals from the Global North who travel to the Global South to take action against perceived needs. This paper examines international development volunteerism (IDV) in Antigua, Guatemala. Scholars have documented the problematic nature of both volunteers and development projects; yet the relationships between actors are under theorized. I examine the development encounter: a space where people from the Global North and South meet briefly through development work. This space enables an examination of transnational actors who experience divergent impacts of neoliberal restructuring, and of unnoticed activities that could be indicators for social change. I ask: can development encounters shift perspectives to open the possibilities for social change? Through qualitative research, I show that everyday encounters in IDV can both open and close possibilities to catalyze social change. I make three contributions. First, I address a gap through an analysis of everyday relationships of multiple actors in development. Second, I propose that the development encounter is a productive space to examine changes between transnational actors. Development encounters in IDV projects are both a continuation of problematic development interventions in the Global South and also a space to examine the potential to eventually build solidarities across difference and distance. Lastly, I extended Bayat's (2010) theories on social nonmovements to actors from the Global North and Global South to argue that their everyday actions are quiet encroachments in global street politics, or the silent actions of noncollective actors to generate change. I argue that development encounters can open possibilities to make a difference for people because strangers meet through projects; and also, it closes possibilities because it makes a difference between people since it is a commodified space with inequalities of power and wealth.
Female combatants play a central role in rebel efforts to cultivate and disseminate positive narratives regarding the movement and its political goals. Yet, the effectiveness of such strategies in shaping audience attitudes or generating tangible benefits for the group remains unclear. We propose and test a theory regarding the channels through which female fighters advance rebel goals. We argue that female fighters positively influence audience attitudes toward rebel groups by strengthening observers' beliefs about their legitimacy and their decision to use armed tactics. We further contend that these effects directly help them secure support from transnational non-state actors and indirectly promote state support. We assess our arguments by combining a novel survey experiment in two countries with analyses of new cross-national data on female combatants and information about transnational support for rebels. The empirical results support our arguments and demonstrate the impact of gender framing on rebel efforts to secure support.