Suchergebnisse

Although non-state actors have recently proliferated, many predate the modern state system itself. Among these, traditional nomads uniquely challenge sovereignty. Nomadism undermines states' capacity to tax, conscript and otherwise regulate population. However, nomadism constitutes an ideational as well as material threat to states. By disrupting states' territorial configuration, nomadism undermines the ideational foundations of statehood. States have responded to nomadism in three ways. Many forcibly settle nomads. Weak states, unable to secure borders, allow nomads to migrate relatively freely. Others voluntarily facilitate freer migration by reducing the salience of borders. We offer three examples: Bedouins, often forcibly settled; African pastoralists, permitted to migrate through porous borders; and Roma, permitted to migrate transnationally within the European Union. While the Bedouin and African instances suggest a necessary conflict between the role of state and the culture of nomadism, the European experience suggests border relaxation can permit states and nomads to coexist. Adapted from the source document.

International Relations (IR) scholars have devoted considerable attention to domestic adoption of international norms, because application of these norms occurs largely through domestic political systems. This article argues that research on norm adoption is hampered by characteristics of current IR theory that result in a lack of appropriate attention to key actors and processes. The role of corporations in norm adoption is largely ignored, reflecting a wider failure to theorise their role in international politics. The agency of domestic groups that stand to benefit from application of international norms is underplayed, reflecting the heavy emphasis on structural factors that characterises the dominant constructivist approach to analysis of international norms. The interplay between material and ideational resources and strategies in norm contests receives inadequate attention, reflecting a continuing tendency to see constructivism and rationalism as alternative explanatory frameworks. The article presents a model of domestic norm adoption that allows these shortcomings to be addressed, with implications for IR theory generally. Adapted from the source document.

Liberal internationalism represents a package of evolving and contending commitments, and this article traces the development within it of one practice with a longer history, namely the allocation of special responsibilities. Responsibilities are those things for which actors are held accountable and, internationally, these have negotiated between sovereign equality and material inequality, in search of a means of more effectively dealing with global problems. The definition of these responsibilities generates an intense politics and these are reviewed through the remit of the Security Council. The article considers the basis for the allocation of traditional special responsibilities for security to the Council and then tracks their extension in recent years to the issue of humanitarian protection. The vehicle for this has been the transformation of a practice about the use of the veto, towards one that calls for its non-use in humanitarian cases. This analysis of special responsibilities unsettles the separation between order and justice, and points to the challenges currently facing liberal internationalism. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines how external third parties, particularly international organizations, can facilitate the development of security community and international integration within post-conflict societies. Focusing on seven countries in the Western Balkan region, this study offers unique insight into how and why feelings of trust and a sense of community can be encouraged by external actors -- the EU and NATO in this case -- and how and if trust and community can filter down to the most local levels within post-conflict societies. Ultimately, we argue that both the EU and NATO have, primarily through membership requirements to engage in regional interaction and cooperation, significantly contributed to the development of security community among Western Balkan neighbors at the elite level. However, we also find that feelings of trust and belongingness are still very much lacking among the general population of the Western Balkan region. Such insights will further efforts to enhance conflict resolution and post-conflict reconstruction in the Western Balkans and elsewhere. Adapted from the source document.

Efforts by the European Commission and by leading member states, to normatively frame the debate about trade -- and thus rhetorically entrap other actors by references to previous commitments -- are ubiquitous; and member states do take account of the potential effects of their actions, in terms of potential praise or shaming, and adapt their behaviour to the institutional setting. However, this holds true only up to a certain limit. If sensitivity to domestic constituencies is high enough and the issue gets politicized, then member states may break ranks regardless of institutionalized normative constraints, especially if the issue-area is linked to proclaimed key self-images of the government. External pressure can also play its part. Indeed, the Commission's reluctant decision to include development sections in the final offer was arguably not only the result of internal member state activity, but also of pressure from the EU's counterpart -- Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific -- whose main bargaining objective was to include strong and effective development provisions in the final agreement. Adapted from the source document.

In this article, we reflect on how Víctor Jara's death was displayed in Europe. Studying the trajectory followed by information, rumors, and testimonies (real and fictional), during the first years of the military dictatorship in Chile (1973-1975), we seek to describe which spaces, actors, and media were involved in the fabrication of this crime as a transnational event. At the same time, we seek to understand the specificity of a story centered on the punishment of the singer-songwriter's body. ; En este artículo reflexionamos en torno a las representaciones de la muerte de Víctor Jara en Europa. Estudiaremos la trayectoria seguida por informaciones, rumores y testimonios (reales y ficcionados), durante los primeros años de la dictadura militar en Chile (1973-1975), buscando dar cuenta de cuáles fueron los espacios, actores y medios involucrados en la fabricación del crimen como un acontecimiento de dimensión transnacional. Al mismo tiempo, buscamos comprender la especificidad de un relato centrado en el castigo sobre el cuerpo del cantautor. ; Neste artigo, refletimos sobre as representações da morte de Víctor Jara na Europa. Estudaremos a trajetória seguida por informações, rumores e testemunhos (reais e fictícios), durante os primeiros anos da ditadura militar no Chile (1973-1975), buscando dar conta dos espaços, atores e meios de comunicação que estiveram envolvidos na fabricação do crime como um evento de dimensão transnacional. Ao mesmo tempo, buscamos compreender a especificidade de uma narrativa focada na punição sobre o corpo do cantor-compositor.

Este artículo pretende abordar el fenómeno del feminismo islámico, explorando sus desafíos tanto dentro de la comunidad islámica como en el seno del feminismo internacional; teniendo en cuenta los debates emergentes en torno a la «legitimación» de esta corriente clasificada como un oxímoron por diversos actores. En este sentido, nos preguntamos si las negociaciones, tensiones e intersecciones que atraviesan la elaboración y definición de este nuevo movimiento no responden también a una necesidad y una dinámica que la geopolítica actual y la gramática de la política de la identidad imponen o, mejor dicho, delimitan. ; This paper aims to address the phenomenon of Islamic feminism, by exploring the challenges it faces both in the Islamic community and within international feminism; considering the emerging debates around the "legitimation" of this trend, which has been tagged as an oxymoron by diverse actors. In this line, we wonder if negotiations, strains and intersections going through the elaboration and definition of this new movement are not a reply to the need and the dynamics imposed, or rather delimited, by current geopolitics and the political grammar of identity. ; Este trabalho busca abordar o fenômeno do feminismo islâmico explorando seus desafios, tanto dentro da comunidade islâmica como no bojo do feminismo internacional, levando em consideração os debates emergentes em torno da «legitimação» dessa corrente, considerada por diversos atores um oximoro. Nesse sentido, nós perguntamos se as negociações, tensões e interseções que atravessam a elaboração e definição desse novo movimento respondem a uma necessidade e a uma dinâmica que a geopolítica atual e a gramática da política da identidade impõem ou, dito de outro modo, delimitam. ; Fil: Valcarcel, Mayra Soledad. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Instituto Interdisciplinario de Estudios de Género; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina ; Fil: Rivera de la Fuente, Vanessa Alejandra. No especifica;

Chapter 1: Struggles of the Word and the World -- Chapter 2: Formal Education: Alphabets of Reforms and Escape -- Chapter 3: Towards Reconstruction: Education in Post-Colonial India -- Chapter 4: Script and Screenplay: International Actors -- Chapter 5: Education, Migration and the Construction of Transnational Solution Space -- Chapter 6: Transnational Education Action: Claims, Practices and Investments -- Chapter 7: Contexts, Claims and Compulsions: Education Policy in Contemporary India.

The recomposition of Mexican political elites during the 1980s overlaps with the transformation of a development model that shifted from a basically protectionist and nationalistic model to a neo-liberal and open-oriented one. Such a switch has implied far-reaching changes in the social practices of political elites. Based on a record that contains each high-rank official during the 1988-2014 period, the mechanisms having established a transnational power network crossing from one presidential term to the next are reviewed, as well as those factors that favored the organization of a power field increasingly focused on the border between the national, regional and global spaces. Some of those mechanisms include the international historical context; the creation of working teams with a basically neo-liberal worldview; the trajectories of the high-rank officers; the reforms that have been driven; the fluent transit among public and private positions, and the highly varied relationships established between this group of officials and transnational actors and organizations. It is concluded that the elites' new social practices do not only hamper and challenge the creation of public goods and autonomous structures with the capacity of planning according to the general interest, but they also encourage institutional depredation. ; La recomposición de las élites políticas mexicanas durante la década de los ochenta se entrevera con la transformación del modelo de desarrollo: de uno predominantemente proteccionista y nacionalista a un modelo de corte neoliberal y aperturista. Dicha transformación he implicado cambios de fondo en las prácticas sociales de las élites políticas. A partir de una base de datos que incluye a todos los funcionarios más importantes del período 1988-2014, se investigan los mecanismos que estructuraron una red de poder transexenal y transnacional en México, así como los factores que favorecieron la organización de un campo de poder que se centra cada vez más en la frontera entre los espacios nacionales, regionales y globales. Entre dichos mecanismos, encontramos: el contexto histórico internacional; la formación de equipos de trabajo con una visión del mundo predominantemente neoliberal; las trayectorias de los funcionarios; las reformas impulsadas; el fluido tránsito entre posiciones públicas y privadas; y las muy diversas relaciones que este grupo de funcionarios sostiene con organizaciones y otros actores transnacionales. Se concluye que las nuevas prácticas sociales de las élites no sólo obstaculizan y socavan la formación de bienes públicos y de estructuras autónomas con la capacidad para planificar en función de un interés general, sino que promueven la depredación institucional.

Esta tesis se centra en el debate de las relaciones transnacionales de los inmigrantes con sus países de origen. La aproximación es a través del análisis de actores en los países de destino, tanto públicos como privados, que interactúan en el espacio transnacional. A través de estudios de caso en Cataluña y de investigación cualitativa, analiza qué motivos llevan a estos actores a entrar en el espacio transnacional, qué papel juegan como facilitadores de actividades transnacionales y qué consecuencias tienen sus actuaciones. El principal resultado es la configuración de un amplio entramado de actores públicos y privados que atendiendo a motivaciones particulares, ya sean políticas o económicas, interfieren en el espacio transnacional inmigrante, bajo un sistema de gobernanza que les es favorable. Así, las actividades transnacionales se distorsionan, produciéndose cambios tanto en la intensidad con la que se producen sus conexiones habituales, como en el tipo de actividades sociales, políticas y económicas que mantienen. ; This dissertation focuses on the debate on transnational relations of immigrants with their countries of origin. The approach is through the analysis of actors in destination countries, both public and private, that interact in the transnational space. Through case studies in Catalonia and qualitative research, it analyzes what motivations lead these actors to enter the transnational space, what role they play as facilitators of transnational activities and what consequences their actions have. The main result is the confirmation of the importance of public and private actors who responding to individual motivations, whether political or economic, interfere in immigrant transnational space, in a governance system that is favorable to them. Thus, transnational activities are distorted, producing changes in both the intensity with which their usual connections occur, as in the kind of social, political and economic activities they maintain.