Suchergebnisse

When the Rhodesian Government in November 1965 declared independence from Great Britain, first the British Government and then the United Nations imposed economic sanctions against Rhodesia to compel that Government "to return to legality," The experience of the past 10 years shows that not only have economic sanctions not brought about the intended political changes, but also that Rhodesia has, in fact, prospered.

1\. Introduction 5 1.1 Why Mexico and Turkey and Their Incorporation into Regional Blocs? 7 1.2 Regionalization, Globalization, Institutional Change and Decoupling 9 2\. The EU Accession Process and Differential Impact in Turkey: Failed Dialogue, Empowered Organizations 10 2.1 Failed Europeanization in Social Dialogue: the Economic and Social Council in Turkey 12 2.2 Non-EU External Actors and Bilateral Coordination Platforms at Work 13 2.3 The EU and Partial Empowerment of Corporatist Organizations in Turkey 14 2.4 The EU and the Burgeoning-Polarized-Cohesion of Turkish Business 16 3\. NAFTA Accession and Changes in Social Dialogue in Mexico 18 3.1 NAFTA, Transnationalization and Mexico's Decaying Corporatism: A Case for Nafta-ization or North- Americanization 18 3.2 Transnationalization, NAFTA, Changing Institutions and Organizational Landscape in Mexico 20 4\. Conclusion 22 References 25 ; This working paper explores the processes in which accession to different regional blocs has affected the ways the state interacts with societal actors, along with the interest representation and mediation models in both member and accession countries. Focusing on Turkey and Mexico, two upper-middle-income countries situated on the fringes of major powers and integrated into the regional blocs led by those, the paper examines the differential impact of the European Union (EU) and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on the organization and mediation of business interests; the ways in which these interests are incorporated into policy-making; and the processes of social dialogue. Taking into consideration the fundamental differences between these two regionalisms, it looks into both direct and indirect mechanisms with respect to the influence of regional-level actors on domestic actors and institutions. Maintaining that the impact of regional blocs cannot be easily isolated from that of international, transnational actors and processes, the paper scrutinizes the respective roles of international actors and ...

Diese Studie erforscht die internationale Arbeit der deutschen politischen Stiftungen und verbindet sie mit den IB-Theorien zu transnationalen Akteuren und der Public-Diplomacy-Literatur. Ein Public-Diplomacy-Modell wird verwendet, um die transnationalen Interaktionsprozesse der Stiftungen systematisch zu untersuchen. Es integriert verschiedene Ansätze und geht davon aus, dass Public Diplomacy in einem Netzwerkumfeld stattfindet. Die Aktivitäten zur Demokratieförderung und zum Konfliktmanagement der Stiftungen werden als bestimmte Formen der Public Diplomacy untersucht. In zwei Fallstudien wird das Rule-of-Law-Programm der Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung in Südosteuropa sowie die Aktivitäten der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Südthailand betrachtet. Dabei wird auf ihre Strategien zur Verbreitung von Ideen, ihre Netzwerkbildung sowie ihre Ressourcen der Soft Power eingegangen.

1 Introduction -- 2 Who are the Dissidents? -- 3 Marxist neophytes and democratic heretics -- 4 Dissent Gains Names and Faces -- 5 Between Prague and Helsinki: setting the transnational stage for dissidence -- 6 The birth of the dissident figure, 1976-77 -- 7 Molding the dissident figure -- 8 The looping effect of the dissident figure: resistance and performance -- 9 Generalization of the dissident figure -- 10 Conclusion: can dissidentism explain post-dissident politics?

This working paper explores the processes in which accession to different regional blocs has affected the ways the state interacts with societal actors, along with the interest representation and mediation models in both member and accession countries. Focusing on Turkey and Mexico, two upper-middle-income
countries situated on the fringes of major powers and integrated into the regional blocs led by those, the paper examines the differential impact of the European Union (EU) and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on the organization and mediation of business interests; the ways in which these interests are incorporated into policy-making; and the processes of social dialogue. Taking into consideration the fundamental differences between these two regionalisms, it looks into both direct and indirect mechanisms with respect to the influence of regional-level actors on domestic actors and institutions. Maintaining that the impact of regional blocs cannot be easily isolated from that of international, transnational actors and processes, the paper scrutinizes the respective roles of international actors and transnational networks which, at times, have become more influential than the regional blocs in bringing about major institutional changes at the domestic level. Thus, it sheds light on processes of comparative regionalization
and their varying influences on distinct polities, which is usually combined and even furthered or, rather, obstructed by the influences of transnational, international and global forces, along with domestic actors
and institutions.

Diese Studie erforscht die internationale Arbeit der deutschen politischen Stiftungen und verbindet sie mit den IB-Theorien zu transnationalen Akteuren und der Public-Diplomacy-Literatur. Ein Public-Diplomacy-Modell wird verwendet, um die transnationalen Interaktionsprozesse der Stiftungen systematisch zu untersuchen. Es integriert verschiedene Ansätze und geht davon aus, dass Public Diplomacy in einem Netzwerkumfeld stattfindet. Die Aktivitäten zur Demokratieförderung und zum Konfliktmanagement der Stiftungen werden als bestimmte Formen der Public Diplomacy untersucht. In zwei Fallstudien wird das Rule-of-Law-Programm der Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung in Südosteuropa sowie die Aktivitäten der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Südthailand betrachtet. Dabei wird auf ihre Strategien zur Verbreitung von Ideen, ihre Netzwerkbildung sowie ihre Ressourcen der Soft Power eingegangen.

Ten years after the fall of Gaddafi's regime, Libya still has not adopted a permanent constitution. Over the last decade, both national bodies and transnational actors have taken part in constitution-making; however, all efforts have been unsuccessful so far. While the scholarship on post-2011 Libya has mainly focused on the impact of local events and national actors on this process, this essay outlines the recent history of Libya's constitution-making by stressing the intermingling of the activities of local bodies and transnational actors. By using the theorical lens of transnational legal orders (TLOs), it claims that two TLOs – the Western liberal democratic TLO and the Islamic one - will coexist if the 2017 draft constitution is adopted. Nevertheless, both TLOs would be necessary to reinforce the legitimacy of the constitution before, on the one hand, international organisations and Western countries and the Libyan population, on the other. ; Ten years after the fall of Gaddafi's regime, Libya still has not adopted a permanent constitution. Over the last decade, both national bodies and transnational actors have taken part in constitution-making; however, all efforts have been unsuccessful so far. While the scholarship on post-2011 Libya has mainly focused on the impact of local events and national actors on this process, this essay outlines the recent history of Libya's constitution-making by stressing the intermingling of the activities of local bodies and transnational actors. By using the theorical lens of transnational legal orders (TLOs), it claims that two TLOs – the Western liberal democratic TLO and the Islamic one - will coexist if the 2017 draft constitution is adopted. Nevertheless, both TLOs would be necessary to reinforce the legitimacy of the constitution before, on the one hand, international organisations and Western countries and the Libyan population, on the other.