Suchergebnisse

The "actio pro unione" reminiscent of the four musketeers plays a central role in the common administration of the European migration space in that administrative decisions of a member state gain legal importance in other states through Union law. This bestows a distinct transnational regulatory structure to administration of the European migration space. In the context of migration law, transnational migration has typically been nationally structured, differentiating between foreign & domestic with a focus on the foreign. While migration has changed some in its social aspects as a result of globalization, Europeanization has created a third category, EU citizenship, as well as a territorial constitutional space, though with a variable geometry. A look at the administration structures of the European migration space & the basis for legislative efforts to establish transnational regulatory structures shows that the "action pro unione" is building a form of horizontal administrative association, separate from international or supranational structures. This can be seen by exploring examples regarding the status of long term residents & the Dublin system for determination of asylee states. L. Reed

Abstract This article examines the evolution of transnational Zapatista solidarity networks. Although scholars have described an emerging "mutuality" between the Zapatista movement and its allies at the level of international framing, this article considers how the Zapatistas forged this mutuality on the ground, through active redefinition of alliances with Northern supporters. It argues that the Zapatistas delimited who was included in their solidarity networks, set new terms for partnerships, and redefined legitimacy in their transnational alliances. In so doing, they asserted their autonomy from donors. They also fostered discourses and practices of mutual solidarity and Southern leadership, shifting the balance of power between North and South. The case both illuminates the possibilities for Southern movements to challenge Northern control from within and suggests potential pitfalls of doing so; by defying Northern NGOs' influence, the Zapatistas may have risked their long-term viability.

DIRECT ELECTIONS TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT HAVE A TRANSNATIONAL AS WELL AS A NATIONAL DIMENSION. UP TO THE PRESENT, THE NATIONAL DIMENSION CLEARLY DOMINATES, HOWEVER. IN THE COURSE OF THE 1984 ELECTION CAMPAIGN, ISSUES CONCERNING THE STRUCTURE, FUNCTIONING AND DEVELOPMENT PERSPECTIVES OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY'S POLITICAL SYSTEM GENERALLY WERE OF MINOR IMPORTANCE. THE SAME CAN BE STATED FOR TRANSNATIONAL ACTORS AND THEIR ACTIVITIES. IN SPITE OF THE VARIOUS CAMPAIGN ACTIVITIES OF THE COMMISSION OF THE EC, THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT WITH ITS POLITICAL GROUPS AND THE EUROPEAN PARTY FEDERATIONS, THE DOMINANT PART OF THE CAMPAIGN WAS PLAYED BY NATIONAL ACTORS. IT IS ARGUABLE THAT THE 1984 ELECTION, COMPARED TO 1979, EVEN SAW AN ACTUAL 'RENATIONALIZATION' OF POLITICS, A FURTHER DIMINUTION OF THE ALREADY MODEST IMPORTANCE OF THE TRANSNATIONAL DIMENSION.

Many domains of transnational policy are now governed through dynamic, multilevel governance processes, encompassing transnational, national, and subnational scales. In such settings, both membership of policy communities and distributions of authority within them become more fluid and openly contested—increasing the importance of the politics of legitimation as a basis for distributing influence over policy processes and outcomes. Drawing on insights from theories of organizational and institutional legitimation, this article theorizes three distinctive strategies of policy influence exercised by transnational actors in multilevel governance settings, through which strategic efforts to legitimize transnational actors and forums are deployed as means of transnational policy influence. The three strategies involve: transnational field building, localized network building, and role adaptation. The effects of these influencing strategies on policy processes and outcomes are illustrated with reference to the case of Indonesian land governance, in which highly dynamic, contested, and multiscalar governance processes lend our theorized strategies particular salience.

This powerful new book looks at how private institutions governing and organising sport restrict political expression. Uniquely, it makes a case for the freedom of expression for athletes, spectators and audiences built upon philosophical foundations. In the era of Colin Kaepernick and taking a knee, politics and protest in sport have never been more visible and immediate. Drawing on a wide range of international cases, including protest actions from athletes such as Tommie Smith and John Carlos, Naomi Osaka and Feyisa Lilesa, as well as the reactions from sport organisations including the IOC, FIFA, UEFA and the NFL, the book argues that the organisation of sport at the hands of associations and leagues and their transnational power to regulate, adjudicate and enforce matters according to their interests lead to the restriction of freedom of expression. Focusing on the individual, the book presents a framework for the defence of freedom of expression in sport on moral grounds and also explores the limits to freedom of expression, especially those arising from hate speech, that might better serve both the individual and sport as an institution. This book is fascinating reading for anybody with an interest in the ethics, philosophy or politics of sport, sport governance, the relationship between sport and wider society, or moral or political philosophy.

This article analyzes the effectiveness of transnational multi‐stakeholder partnerships for sustainable development—also known as "Type II outcomes" of the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development—in the sustainable energy sector. We combine quantitative and qualitative research. Quantitatively, we use a database of 340 partnerships, including 46 partnerships that focus on energy. Our qualitative analysis includes case studies of five partnerships that appear as the most effective and five that are operational but only with modest degrees of effectiveness. We study two competing hypotheses. The first, rooted in institutionalism, assumes that variation in effectiveness is related to organizational structures and procedures. The competing hypothesis emphasizes the power of actors and expects partnerships that involve key business actors and powerful Northern states to perform better. We conclude that the level of institutionalization is most important in explaining effectiveness, while powerful partners and the type of internal organization may further enhance effectiveness.

Purpose
– The purpose of this article is to discuss transnational organized crime (TOC) and the relationship to good governance in the Caribbean.


Design/methodology/approach
– This paper is exploratory. It follows a path of inductive reasoning, from observation of the eight global cases to a broader general analysis and the development of a theoretical framework or ideal type.


Findings
– The influence of TOC on governance in the Caribbean is worrying. Normative theories of democracy, public administration and governance no longer apply. Economic growth diminishes, unemployment rises, crime rises.


Originality/value
– The paper contributes to the understanding of the impact of TOC on good governance especially on Small Island Developing States in the Caribbean.