Examines flows of international migration, their economic causes and effects, and impact on relations between sending and receiving countries; 11 articles. Topics include proposals for an international regime to control migration, laws governing the nationality of migrants, effects on the security of the Mediterranean region of migration to northern Europe, migration between Arab states following the Gulf war, from West Africa to Europe, from Senegal to Italy, and from Eastern to Western Europe since 1989, and effect of migration on human rights in Europe.
Salafism appeared in Yemen around Muqbil al-Wâdi'î of Dammâj, north Yemen, in the early 1980s. Since then it has spread throughout the country in various teaching centres and mosques. Dominant political and academic narratives often regard the salafi movement as the offspring of a Saudi religious proselytism that aims at spreading its own model, and this in order to manipulate the loyalty of Yemeni citizens and to satisfy its own national interest. In that framework, religion and transnational actors (migrants, business men or students) are seen as simple instruments of domination and state power. Explaining the rise of salafism in Yemen in terms of imperialism and confrontation of power appears superficial. In the Yemeni context, this political and religious movement develops less because of centralised policies than because of various local, global and translocal social dynamics witnessed in the contemporary Arabian Peninsula. These processes mix individual migratory trajectories, recompositions of religious and political identities in Yemen, Saudi Arabia and in Muslim societies and the effects of the "global war against terror". The trajectory of salafism in the Yemeni environment is affected by domestic structures and institutions. For individuals at grass-roots level, this religious practice does not bear the same meaning in Yemeni society as it does in Saudi Arabia's. It is mainly for this reason that the state, even when it is dominant, does not control the ideological evolution of salafism and of its entrepreneurs and advocates. ; Apparu au début des années 1980 autour de la figure de Muqbil al-Wâdi'î, le mouvement salafi yéménite a depuis connu un développement rapide et remarqué. Les discours médiatiques et académiques dominants réduisent fréquemment l'émergence du salafisme à une politique prosélyte de l'Arabie Saoudite visant à diffuser son propre modèle religieux afin d'orienter en sa faveur l'allégeance de la population yéménite et de satisfaire un hypothétique intérêt national. Dans ce cadre, la ...
Salafism appeared in Yemen around Muqbil al-Wâdi'î of Dammâj, north Yemen, in the early 1980s. Since then it has spread throughout the country in various teaching centres and mosques. Dominant political and academic narratives often regard the salafi movement as the offspring of a Saudi religious proselytism that aims at spreading its own model, and this in order to manipulate the loyalty of Yemeni citizens and to satisfy its own national interest. In that framework, religion and transnational actors (migrants, business men or students) are seen as simple instruments of domination and state power. Explaining the rise of salafism in Yemen in terms of imperialism and confrontation of power appears superficial. In the Yemeni context, this political and religious movement develops less because of centralised policies than because of various local, global and translocal social dynamics witnessed in the contemporary Arabian Peninsula. These processes mix individual migratory trajectories, recompositions of religious and political identities in Yemen, Saudi Arabia and in Muslim societies and the effects of the "global war against terror". The trajectory of salafism in the Yemeni environment is affected by domestic structures and institutions. For individuals at grass-roots level, this religious practice does not bear the same meaning in Yemeni society as it does in Saudi Arabia's. It is mainly for this reason that the state, even when it is dominant, does not control the ideological evolution of salafism and of its entrepreneurs and advocates. ; Apparu au début des années 1980 autour de la figure de Muqbil al-Wâdi'î, le mouvement salafi yéménite a depuis connu un développement rapide et remarqué. Les discours médiatiques et académiques dominants réduisent fréquemment l'émergence du salafisme à une politique prosélyte de l'Arabie Saoudite visant à diffuser son propre modèle religieux afin d'orienter en sa faveur l'allégeance de la population yéménite et de satisfaire un hypothétique intérêt national. Dans ce cadre, la ...
Salafism appeared in Yemen around Muqbil al-Wâdi'î of Dammâj, north Yemen, in the early 1980s. Since then it has spread throughout the country in various teaching centres and mosques. Dominant political and academic narratives often regard the salafi movement as the offspring of a Saudi religious proselytism that aims at spreading its own model, and this in order to manipulate the loyalty of Yemeni citizens and to satisfy its own national interest. In that framework, religion and transnational actors (migrants, business men or students) are seen as simple instruments of domination and state power. Explaining the rise of salafism in Yemen in terms of imperialism and confrontation of power appears superficial. In the Yemeni context, this political and religious movement develops less because of centralised policies than because of various local, global and translocal social dynamics witnessed in the contemporary Arabian Peninsula. These processes mix individual migratory trajectories, recompositions of religious and political identities in Yemen, Saudi Arabia and in Muslim societies and the effects of the "global war against terror". The trajectory of salafism in the Yemeni environment is affected by domestic structures and institutions. For individuals at grass-roots level, this religious practice does not bear the same meaning in Yemeni society as it does in Saudi Arabia's. It is mainly for this reason that the state, even when it is dominant, does not control the ideological evolution of salafism and of its entrepreneurs and advocates. ; Apparu au début des années 1980 autour de la figure de Muqbil al-Wâdi'î, le mouvement salafi yéménite a depuis connu un développement rapide et remarqué. Les discours médiatiques et académiques dominants réduisent fréquemment l'émergence du salafisme à une politique prosélyte de l'Arabie Saoudite visant à diffuser son propre modèle religieux afin d'orienter en sa faveur l'allégeance de la population yéménite et de satisfaire un hypothétique intérêt national. Dans ce cadre, la ...
Salafism appeared in Yemen around Muqbil al-Wâdi'î of Dammâj, north Yemen, in the early 1980s. Since then it has spread throughout the country in various teaching centres and mosques. Dominant political and academic narratives often regard the salafi movement as the offspring of a Saudi religious proselytism that aims at spreading its own model, and this in order to manipulate the loyalty of Yemeni citizens and to satisfy its own national interest. In that framework, religion and transnational actors (migrants, business men or students) are seen as simple instruments of domination and state power. Explaining the rise of salafism in Yemen in terms of imperialism and confrontation of power appears superficial. In the Yemeni context, this political and religious movement develops less because of centralised policies than because of various local, global and translocal social dynamics witnessed in the contemporary Arabian Peninsula. These processes mix individual migratory trajectories, recompositions of religious and political identities in Yemen, Saudi Arabia and in Muslim societies and the effects of the "global war against terror". The trajectory of salafism in the Yemeni environment is affected by domestic structures and institutions. For individuals at grass-roots level, this religious practice does not bear the same meaning in Yemeni society as it does in Saudi Arabia's. It is mainly for this reason that the state, even when it is dominant, does not control the ideological evolution of salafism and of its entrepreneurs and advocates. ; Apparu au début des années 1980 autour de la figure de Muqbil al-Wâdi'î, le mouvement salafi yéménite a depuis connu un développement rapide et remarqué. Les discours médiatiques et académiques dominants réduisent fréquemment l'émergence du salafisme à une politique prosélyte de l'Arabie Saoudite visant à diffuser son propre modèle religieux afin d'orienter en sa faveur l'allégeance de la population yéménite et de satisfaire un hypothétique intérêt national. Dans ce cadre, la ...
The hypothesis of European Systems distinct from that or those composed of States is not new. In order to utilize this hypothesis effectively cognizance must be taken, in addition to the multiplicity of actors, of the rivalry of their projects and their strategies. Such an approach to the European reality would contribute to the construction of a new and useful model provided that certain methodological procedures are respected. Research efforts with respect to integration must not be subordinated to the examination of relations of interdependence within the international System. Ostensively structured to renew the problematics of integration, a thesis of that nature is in fact akin to the older « realist » paradigm. Rather, one would hope to benefit from the findings of research respecting transnational relations and to incorporate them with the more institutional concerns of integration theory. This theoretical mix is expressed by a network model, which respects the specific, multiple and hierarchic combination that characterizes integrationist phenomena. The "European network" model possesses two registers. Globally, there is the operator or System of relations that transforms or "translates" relations among groups. At this level, the model makes it possible to effectively describe the makeup of political Europe. Locally, the network is a assemblage of structures or hierarchic and stable sets that assume the form of alliances or of groupings, conflicts or shared ventures. Two further concepts are necessary to activate the network model: those of the "position" and "strategy" of the actors. The former is founded on dynamic oppositions and involves categorization of "major" and "minor" actors whose relations are analyzed by a consideration of the network's structures of order. The concept of "strategy" seeks to give expression to the relationship between the organizational mode of a social group and its representation. By attempting a synthesis of the "Marxist" approach of integration and the study of "transgovernmental" relations, this concept could be applied to the European States.
RésuméFace à la mondialisation, les fédérations syndicales internationales et les entreprises multinationales ont cherché à protéger leurs intérêts par des «accords‐cadres internationaux», ou ACI. En modélisant les processus de négociation sous‐jacents, les auteurs montrent que ces accords n'aboutissent que si les deux partenaires présentent une aversion pour le risque et qu'ils tendent à favoriser celle des parties chez qui cette aversion est moins prononcée, les multinationales en l'occurrence, aux dépens des travailleurs. Les choses pourraient évoluer cependant si les syndicats parviennent, par une action transnationale, à déstabiliser les multinationales en menaçant leur réputation, rapprochant le niveau d'aversion pour le risque des deux interlocuteurs.
International audience ; This article presents the Moroccan and Senegalese transnational practices in the political, economic and socio-cultural spheres. In spite of the historical parallelism of Moroccan and Senegalese, the study highlights the content differences which distinguish the two transnational fields. For instance, the Senegalese Murid brotherhood relies on their spiritual sway faithful to build up economic transnational networks. Amongst Moroccans, religion is a field of political tensions on which the Moroccan state strive to keep a firm hold. But, more than a mere enumeration, the authors shed light on invariants and paths of change of transnationalism. The age of Moroccan and Senegalese immigration to France is a factor of diversification of transnational activities. Mechanisms of integration, new generations, new occupational profiles, but also evolution of host and receiving societies, have deeply transformed practices which are increasingly opened outside ethnic communities. ; Cet article présente les pratiques transnationales marocaines et sénégalaises dans les sphères politiques, économiques et socioculturelles. En dépit du parallélisme historique des migrations marocaines et sénégalaises, l'étude souligne les différences de contenu qui distinguent les deux champs transnationaux. Par exemple, la confrérie sénégalaise mouride a produit un double dispositif transnational spirituel et économique. Parmi les Marocains, le religieux est un champ de tensions politiques sur lequel s'exerce le contrôle de l'État marocain. Mais plus qu'un simple catalogue, les auteurs mettent à jour les invariants et les voies d'évolution du transnationalisme. L'ancienneté des migrations marocaines et sénégalaises en France est un facteur de diversification des relations transnationales. Les mécanismes d'intégration, les nouvelles générations, les nouveaux profils socioprofessionnels, mais aussi l'évolution des sociétés d'accueil et d'origine, ont profondément marqué les pratiques qui sont de nature de plus en plus ouvertes sur les groupes extracommunautaires.
International audience ; This article presents the Moroccan and Senegalese transnational practices in the political, economic and socio-cultural spheres. In spite of the historical parallelism of Moroccan and Senegalese, the study highlights the content differences which distinguish the two transnational fields. For instance, the Senegalese Murid brotherhood relies on their spiritual sway faithful to build up economic transnational networks. Amongst Moroccans, religion is a field of political tensions on which the Moroccan state strive to keep a firm hold. But, more than a mere enumeration, the authors shed light on invariants and paths of change of transnationalism. The age of Moroccan and Senegalese immigration to France is a factor of diversification of transnational activities. Mechanisms of integration, new generations, new occupational profiles, but also evolution of host and receiving societies, have deeply transformed practices which are increasingly opened outside ethnic communities. ; Cet article présente les pratiques transnationales marocaines et sénégalaises dans les sphères politiques, économiques et socioculturelles. En dépit du parallélisme historique des migrations marocaines et sénégalaises, l'étude souligne les différences de contenu qui distinguent les deux champs transnationaux. Par exemple, la confrérie sénégalaise mouride a produit un double dispositif transnational spirituel et économique. Parmi les Marocains, le religieux est un champ de tensions politiques sur lequel s'exerce le contrôle de l'État marocain. Mais plus qu'un simple catalogue, les auteurs mettent à jour les invariants et les voies d'évolution du transnationalisme. L'ancienneté des migrations marocaines et sénégalaises en France est un facteur de diversification des relations transnationales. Les mécanismes d'intégration, les nouvelles générations, les nouveaux profils socioprofessionnels, mais aussi l'évolution des sociétés d'accueil et d'origine, ont profondément marqué les pratiques qui sont de nature de plus en plus ...
