U radu se obrađuje problematika odnosa načela uzajamnog priznavanja i povjerenja te provjere dvostruke kažnjivosti, koja zaokuplja veliku pozornost stručnih krugova u području međunarodne pravosudne suradnje sa težištem na kaznenim stvarima. U uvodnom dijelu rada prikazuje se struktura zakonske podloge Europske unije, potom se analizira načelo uzajamnog povjerenja kao strukturno načelo ustavnog prava EU, njegovo porijeklo i kontekst u svjetlu odluka Europskog suda za ljudska prava. Središnji dio rada problematizira načelo provjere dvostruke kažnjivosti s obzirom na različite oblike dvostruke kažnjivosti bez unificirane primjene tog pojma u pravosudnoj suradnji, a što kolidira sa načelom uzajamnog povjerenja te time dovodi do problema u međunarodnoj pravosudnoj suradnji. Potom se iznosi i odnos Republike Hrvatske prema načelu uzajamnog povjerenja s osvrtom na odluke Ustavnog suda RH i Vrhovnog suda RH te zaključno završna ocjena značaja načela uzajamnog priznavanja u međudržavnoj pravosudnoj suradnji u kaznenim stvarima. ; The paper elaborates the problems of the relation between the principle of mutual recognition and trust and the verification of double criminality, which attract great attention of experts in the field of international judicial cooperation with a focus on criminal matters. In the introductory part of the paper, the structure of the legal foundations of the European Union is shown, then the principle of mutual trust as a structural principle of the constitutional rights of the EU, its origin and context in the light of the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights. The central part of the paper inquires into the problems of the principle of double criminality in regard to the various forms of double criminality with no uniform application of its term in judicial cooperation and thus collides with the principle of mutual trust in way that leads to problems in the international judicial cooperation. Afterwards, the paper outlines the relation of the Republic of Croatia towards the principle of mutual trust with regard to the decision of the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court and concludes with the final analysis of importance of the principle of mutual recognition in transnational judicial cooperation in criminal matters.
Trgovina ljudima ili trafficking vrsta je transnacionalnog organiziranog kriminala koja je jako profitabilna i vrlo ju je teško iskorijeniti. Utječe na živote i sigurnost brojnih ljudi diljem svijeta, pa tako i građana Europske Unije. Ovaj rad bavi se trgovinom ljudima u svrhu prostitucije jer je seksualna eksploatacija prepoznata kao najčešći oblik eksploatacije žrtvi trafficking-a. Istražuje se relevantna legislacija o trgovini ljudima za EU, obuhvaćajući direktive Unije, konvencije Ujedinjenih naroda i Vijeća Europe te se daje pregled djelovanja FRONTEX-a i EUROPOL-a kao agencija Europske Unije koje djeluju u svrhu suzbijanja te pojave. Na kraju se sagledava tri modela zakonske regulacije prostitucije prisutne u tri države članice Unije: abolicionističke u Švedskoj, legalizacije u Nizozemskoj te prohibicionističke u Hrvatskoj. Cilj rada jest otkriti kako koji od tih modela utječe na vidljivost trgovine ljudima u svrhu prostitucije, na što je teško jasno odgovoriti zbog činjenice da je opseg ukupne trgovine ljudima nemoguće saznati zbog njenog ilegalnog karaktera i poteškoća u stvaranju konzistentne i kvalitetne zajedničke međunrodne baze podataka o ovoj pojavi. ; Trafficking in human beings is a highly profitable transnational organized crime activity that is difficult to eradicate. It makes an impact on the lives and safety of many people around the world, including the citizens of the European Union. This paper deals with trafficking in human beings for the purpose of prostitution because sexual exploitation is recognized as the most common form of exploitation of the victims of trafficking. This paper researches the relevant EU legislation on trafficking in human beings, including the EU Directives, the UN Convention and the Council of Europe Convention. It also reviews the work of FRONTEX and EUROPOL as European Union agencies acting to counteract phenomenon of trafficking. Finally, three models of legal regulation of prostitution which are present in three EU member states are being considered: ...
The author has tried to prove that interethnic relations in democracy cannot be handled solely by means of legal, economic, & institutional means; political culture, ie, civic democratic political culture, can have a significant role. The analysis shows that there is room for the build-up of a transnational democratic citizenry, free from all ascriptive criteria & identities such as religion, ethnicity, etc. It also reveals how classic liberalism neglects various identities (ethnic, national, etc) while communitarian liberalism overlooks the excluding force of various identities. It has also demonstrated that there are several concepts of civic identities (liberal, communitarian, & social/group) & that each of these concepts can exert profound influence on the relationship between citizens & their political community. Finally, the relation between patriotism & interethnic relations in democracy are reviewed. Patriotism, in the circumstances of growing social pluralization, & despite a plethora of political integrations, can play a prominent role in bridging the political & cultural atomizations & conflicts in society. It can undertake this role only if constituted in the civic & not the crude (fixed) ethnic sense -- though the national defines the limits & the meaning of this constitution -- provided it evolves into loyalty to one's homeland & goes hand in hand with the development of democracy & human rights. In short, the purpose of this paper is to provide evidence that it is necessary to expand democratic political culture that might aid in resolving intricate & sensitive relations among various ethnic & cultural communities. Patriotism can assume a decisive role in this. It lays down the limits & legitimacy of each meaningful political discourse & each genuine political subject. Adapted from the source document.
Contemporary states are undergoing a process of rapid transformation that encumbers their functioning & sustains their state of crisis. Their external sovereignty is undoubtedly on the wane, in relation to both global economic actors & transnational & supranational political structures. Internally, the hierarchical functioning of government has been called into question. Although the state's share in the social product is constantly increasing, so are the demands for the state's support & regulation in various areas, resulting in a permanent fiscal crisis of the state. The author claims that the contemporary metamorphoses of the state & the prospects for its development can be understood solely by analyzing the changes in contemporary society. The industrial society, even the "service society" (Dahrendorf), is being transformed into an information & communication society, in which the key processes are the production & distribution of knowledge, while the central power resources are mechanisms of the monopolization of knowledge. The information & communication media play the central role in social & political processes. The new increase of social inequality has intensified the tendency of social desolidarization. The new level of social dynamics, mobility, complexity, & contingency requires a new type of state. The author calls it the "cooperative state" -- the state that provides for the production of essential collective goods in the cooperative process of negotiation & bargaining, in which a plethora of social actors take part. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.
The author shows that the processes of globalization cannot diminish the role of the nation-state -- as the sole recognizable political community -- in the implementation & development of democracy, though they are undoubtedly going to alter its functioning & make it more complex. When exploring democracy & its expansion outside the borders of the nation-state, we should keep in mind that people do not act solely on a rational interest basis, but also on the basis of values; & that identities, not just interests, are the underlying determinants of their political activity. That is why the theory of cosmopolitan democracy must come to grips with the issue of the legitimation of the cosmopolitan political community as well as of the cosmopolitan democratic political system. This paper addresses these issues. The analysis has shown that these are complex & open questions without which a valid discussion about the transnational political organizations & processes of the cosmopolitan or regional integration & democratization is not possible. The question of the legitimation of the political community (unfortunately, rarely discussed) is in a way primordial in relation to the issue of the legitimation of the political system & political authorities. This issue has been neglected because it is thought that pluralism defines democracy; consequently, the imperative of a certain level of social & cultural homogeneity as a condition of its functioning has been overlooked. The concept of global citizenry requires the creation of a new political identity, while cosmopolitanism must prove that this identity can be brought about without a "democratic deficit" or a "bureaucratic-oligarchic surplus." This is not easy, if we keep in mind the fact that the law & legalism by themselves are not conducive to political commitment & loyalty to political decisions. 39 References. Adapted from the source document.
Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanosti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te da ti pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the cornerstones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent states. At the beginning of the 21st century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances – the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non- governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed states«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.
Dugo je vremena koncept suvereniteta smatran kamenom temeljcem domaćeg i međunarodnog prava te političke misli. Koncepcija suvereniteta blisko je povezana s koncepcijom države. Bilo je to »normalno« stanje države, u kojem ona ima vrhovnu ili konačnu vlast u unutarnjim političkim i pravnim pitanjima, a svojstvo neovisnosti prema drugim državama. Međunarodnu zajednicu činile su ravnopravne i neovisne države. Danas, na početku 21. stoljeća, koncept suvereniteta izložen je mnogim izazovima, od kojih je najznačajniji proces globalizacije koji je doveo do sve veće međupovezanos- ti ljudi širom svijeta vidljive na svim poljima: političkim, vojnim, ekonomskim, kulturnim i pravnim. U ovom radu usredotočit ćemo se na pitanje kako globalizacija utječe na državni suverenitet te dati pregled argumenata korištenih u novijoj literaturi. ; The concept of sovereignty was for a long time considered as one of the corner- stones of national and international law, and of political thought. The concept of sovereignty was closely connected with the concept of the state. It was a »normal« situation of a country where it had supreme or final power in political and legal matters in its domestic affairs, while at the same time it was independent in relation to all other countries. The international community used to consist of equal and independent States. At the beginning of the 21st Century, the concept of sovereignty is faced with many challenges, both in theory and in practice. What happens within a country's territory and to its inhabitants is now less a consequence of national politics than the result of international circumstances - the difference between internal and foreign affairs is becoming increasingly vague. Several processes are happening simultaneously: globalisation (the development of information and communication technology; increase in foreign Investments, the development of multinational corporations, and strengthening of the international economic and trade organisations' role), the process of European integration, the development of international protection of human rights (the development of cogent rules of international law, humanitarian interventions, the role of transnational non/governmental organisations), and the phenomenon of »failed States«. All the above mentioned has created a need to redefine the concept of sovereignty.
Autorica u radu daje pregled i analizu kaznenog zakonodavstva Republike Hrvatske u vezi s kriminalnim djelatnostima krijumčarenja ljudi i trgovanja ljudima. Upućuje na sličnosti i razlike između kaznenih djela protuzakonitog prebacivanja osoba preko državne granice odnosno protuzakonitog ulaženja, kretanja i boravka u RH, drugoj državi članici EU-a ili potpisnici Šengenskog sporazuma i trgovanja ljudima, uspoređujući i analizirajući pravne norme starog i novog Kaznenog zakona Republike Hrvatske, međunarodne dokumente te sudsku praksu. Ističe se nužnost što ranijeg prepoznavanja počinjenog kaznenog djela, naročito s aspekta žrtve. Skreće se pozornost na neujednačenost sudske prakse u pogledu pitanja koristoljublja kao bitnog elementa kaznenog djela, ali isto tako i na nepostojanje jasno definiranog pokušaja pri počinjenju kaznenog djela protuzakonitog ulaženja, kretanja i boravka u RH, drugoj državi članici EU-a ili potpisnici Šengenskog sporazuma. U radu se istražuje i analizira postojeće stanje u vezi s nezakonitim prelascima državne granice Republike Hrvatske na temelju dostupnih statističkih podataka. Učinjena je i analiza stanja de lege lata u sudskoj praksi u odnosu na prijavljene, optužene i osuđene osobe za krijumčarenje ljudi te, isto tako, posebno za trgovanje ljudima. Zaključno se daju prijedlozi i mjere de lege ferenda koje je nužno provesti u cilju suzbijanja krijumčarenja ljudi i trgovanja ljudima te što uspješnije borbe s ovom vrstom organiziranog kriminala. ; The author of the paper provides an overview and analysis of Croatian criminal legislation with regard to criminal activities of human smuggling and trafficking. She points out to the similarities and differences between the criminal acts of illegal transfer of persons across the state border or illegal entering, movement and residence in the Republic of Croatia, other EU Member States or signatories of the Schengen Agreement and human trafficking, comparing and analyzing the legal norms of the old and the new Criminal Code of the Republic of Croatia, international instruments and jurisprudence. Emphasized is the importance of early recognition of the criminal act, especially for the victims. Attention is drawn to the disparity of case law on matters of personal gain as an essential element of this criminal activity, but also to the absence of clearly defining the act of attempting illegal entering, movement and residence in the Republic of Croatia, other EU Member States or signatories of the Schengen Agreement. This paper investigates and analyzes the current situation regarding illegal crossing of state borders of the Republic of Croatia on the basis of available statistical data. Conducted was the analysis of the situation de lege lata in case law in relation to persons registered, accused and convicted of human smuggling and, also, especially for human trafficking. In conclusion, given are the proposals and measures de lege ferenda that need to be implemented in order to combat human smuggling and trafficking, and to successfully fight this type of organized crime.
U"terra interior", u BiH, kao i u njezinom okruženju, zaplelo se u izvitoperene forme demokracije, u demokrature, u ne-pravne i prazne države koje su porazile svoje građane. U njima se u osnovi i danas kontraproduktivno slijede modeli "nacije države", iluzija o preklapanju teritorijalnog i nacionalnog, identitarne jednosti, dok se u svijetu slijede logike transnacionalnih umreženja i jednakopravnosti građana svih oformljenih identiteta. Posebice u BiH se ne razumije vlastita identitarna višestrukost, te iz nje logična nužnost ukotvljenosti skupnih prava u individualna ljudska prava i slobode, pa potom skrb i o jednima i drugima u svakoj administrativnoj jedinici. Radi se o samoj suštini novog liberalizma i kulturološkog senzibilizma putem kojih se djeluje i u mnogonacionalnim državama s autohtono oformljenim identitetima i u polietničkim zajednicama s tzv. useljeničkim identitetima na formiranju političkih zajednica jednakopravnih građana svih identiteta. I u jednima i u drugima se primijenjuju demokratske metode upravljanja razlikama, u koje se ubrajaju: hegemonistička kontrola; arbitraža (intervencija treće strane); kantonizacija i/ili federalizacija; te konsocijativizam kao sporazumna podjela moći. U BiH i nije uopće moguće primijeniti iskustva tzv. hegemonističke kontrole ili ravnoteže, ma koliko sve tri ko-nacije rado izigravaju "hegemona", pa je nužna paradigma nenasilja i u mišljenju zasebitosti, navlastitosti i zajedništva u javnim politikama. Nažalost, takvo što nije u izgledu, jer skoro nitko ne razmišlja u kategorijama "svjetskog ethosa", ćudorednosti u unutarnjoj i vanjskoj politici, o balansima konsocijativne i većinske demokracije, o institucionalnoj jednakopravnosti, o ravnotežama nacionalnog i građanskog. Do toga bi se, pak, moglo i moralo stići putem međunacionalnih dijaloga, a ne unutar nacionalnih monologa, te nužnim kompromisom, jer se do održivih rješenja i ne može stići "ratom referata" i politikama sukobljavanja i zgađivanja (containment policy) međusobno bliskih identiteta u kulturološkom pogledu. I zbog toga bi se moralo žurno prestati oglušavati o odluke Europskog suda za ljudska prava u Strasbourgu, o rezolucije Europskog parlamenta i o poruke europskih čelnika o potrebi "zajedničkog upravljanja" i govora jednim glasom u ime BiH u odnosima i s EU i cijelim svijetom. BiH potrebuje "treći modus": alternativan pristup i etnonacionalističkom i tzv lijevo-građanskom redukcionizmu. Ma koliko bili majušni, možda bi Hrvati u BiH trebali - posvuda gdje su u većini - pokazati da je u BiH moguće napraviti "političku zajednicu" jednakopravnih građana svih ko-nacija i građana svih drugih identiteta. Možda bi ih potom i drugi slijedili? ; In "terra interior", in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as in its surroundings, unnatural forms of democracy are imposed in the non-legal and empty states that have defeated their citizens. In them are followed contradictory models of "nation-states", an illusion of overlapping territorial and national, unity of identities, while in the world there are logics of transnational networking and equality of citizens of all created identities. Particularly in BiH, one does not understand its own plurality of identities, and the logical necessity of integrating collective rights into individual human rights and freedoms and then caring for one another in every administrative unit. It is about the very essence of the new liberalism and cultural sensibility through which it is operated in many multiethnic states with indigenous identities and in the polyethnic communities with the so-called immigrant identities on the formation of political communities of equal citizens of all identities. In both are applied democratic methods of government, which include: hegemonic control; arbitration (third party intervention); cantonization and/or federalization; and consociation as an agreement power division. In BiH, it is not possible to apply the so-called experiences of hegemonic control or equilibrium, no matter how much the three nations would gladly play "hegemons", so the paradigm of nonviolence is necessary in the thinking of detachment, peculiarities and common public policies. Unfortunately, this is unlikely because almost no one is thinking of the categories of "world ethos", of morality in internal and external politics, of the balances of the consociational and majority democracy, of institutional equality, of national and civil equilibrium. This could be achieved through inter-ethnic dialogues, not within national monologues, and with the necessary compromise, as sustainable solutions cannot be achieved through "verbal warfare" and politics of conflict and aggravation (containment policy) of mutually close identities in the cultural sense. And it should be promptly stopped with the denying of the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, the resolutions of the European Parliament and the messages of European leaders about the need for "shared rule" and speak through one-voice on behalf of BiH in relations with the EU and the world as a whole. In as much as they might be small in numbers, perhaps Croats in BiH should first - wherever they are majority- show that in BiH it is possible to create a "political community" of equal citizens of all co-nations and citizens of all other identities. Maybe the others would then follow them?
