The Gramscian thinking has been increasingly used in the fields of Political Science and International Relations, however, prioritizing its concept of hegemony. In this article, it is proposed both, a more accurate elucidation and a possible transposition of the concept of the historical bloc to the international scenario, having as the main question the following study inquiry: can we transpose the concept of the historical bloc developed by Gramsci for International Relations of the 21st century, taking into account its transnational nature? Methodologically, a deductive, qualitative approach is used, with a literature review based on data collection from secondary sources. It is understood that the notion of the historical bloc coined by Gramsci, followed by the assumptions of critical theorists, helps us to understand the difficulties of the current international relations. The versatility of this concept allows us to endorse a macro view of the many facets of International Relations, whether they are linked to the political, economic, social, and even ideological spheres. Gramsci; Transnational Historical Bloc; International Relations; Hegemony; Critical Theory.
This article provides an analysis of the relations and influences between a forgotten protagonist of transnational communism in the twentieth century, the Austrian Franz Marek, and the Italian Communist Party (PCI). By tracing these very relations, it is possible to understand the importance of transnational political and intellectual networks for the international communist movement. Focusing on the period ranging from 1945 to Marek's death in 1979, the article interprets the importance of Marek as a Marxist intellectual and political figure in Europe. From his prominent role in the Austrian Communist Party, to his engagement in theoretical discussions, Marek's life was that of a fervent Marxist. Whether as a political interlocutor or Marxist philosopher and theorist, in both cases the PCI was interested in the words of Franz Marek and fascinated by his theoretical thoughts. His studies of Gramsci were the proverbial cherry on the cake. Not only did he not become an outlaw when ousted from the Austrian Communist Party in 1970, the exchange continued to intensify, and he was involved to some extent in all theoretical discussions of the PCI, even though this posed a problem for many a brother party.
This elaborate is based on the work of a comparative analysis of some of the judgments relating to associationism about the mafia in Lombardy and Piedmont, in particular, but also to ethnic criminal organizations. In the light of discrepancies emerged from the analytical work between provision of law and operational reality of the mafias, it is necessary to reflect on a possible update to art .416/bis due of the changed needs of contrast related to the evolution of the mafias in order to identify the best anti-crime investigative techniques by placing the lower courts in the best position to judge.Here we want to bring out the need and the urgency to rethink the instrument of Articles 416 and 416/bis c.p. to face the new threats brought by organized crime, national and international in its capacity as transnational, to the common coexistence. ; Questo elaborato si basa sul lavoro di analisi comparata di alcune sentenze di merito relative all'associazionismo mafioso in Lombardia e Piemonte, in particolare, ma anche ad organizzazioni criminali etniche. Alla luce di discrasie emerse dal lavoro analitico svolto, tra previsione normativa e realtà operativa delle mafie, appare necessaria una riflessione su un eventuale aggiornamento dell'art. 416/bis in ragione delle mutate esigenze di contrasto connesse all'evoluzione delle mafie al fine di individuare le migliori tecniche investigative anticrimine mettendo i giudici di merito nelle migliori condizioni per giudicare. Qui si vuole far emergere la necessità e l'urgenza di ripensare lo strumento degli articoli 416 e 416/bis c.p. per fronteggiare le nuove minacce portate dalla criminalità organizzata nazionale ed internazionale nella sua veste transnazionale, alla comune convivenza.
La globalizzazione dell'economia, accompagnata dall'emergere di modelli di potere transnazionali, ha profondamente alterato il tessuto sociale, economico e politico di vaste aree e, in particolare, delle città globali (Sassen, 1991), luoghi di intersezione tra globale e locale, centri di snodo per commerci, finanza e attività bancarie. Tale fenomeno, tipico degli anni '90, ha preceduto la imponente diffusione delle smart cities, che ha esaltato i paradigmi relativi all'economia della conoscenza ed alla rasformazione digitale delle città. In tale scenario, appare interessante indagare analiticamente, alla scala urbana, il rapporto tra i consolidati drivers dello sviluppo, in relazione a variabili geografiche di influenza. Il presente contributo, pertanto, a partire da una riflessione critica sul tema, ambisce a riportare evidenze analitiche della presenza di un determinismo geografico relativo alla intensità della correlazione fe-nomenologica tra l'economia della conoscenza e la trasformazione digitale, dimostrando che fattori geografici riferibili alla dimensione urbana e alla localizzazione possono rafforzare l'entità del legame causale. La valenza dei risultati ricercati si manifesta, sul piano teorico, nella possibilità di disporre di accurati modelli causali che governano le dinamiche di sviluppo urbano inerenti ai paradigmi analizzati e, sul piano pratico, nella possibilità, per gli amministratori locali e gli addetti ai lavori, di caratterizzare la pianificazione delle attività in funzione di variabili di contesto. ; The globalization of the economy, accompanied by the emergence of transnational power models, has profoundly altered the social, economic and political fabric of vast areas and, particularly, that of global cities (Sassen, 1991), places of intersection between global and local, junction centres for trade, finance and banking activities. This phenomenon, typical of the 90s, preceded the massive diffusion of smart cities, which enhanced the paradigms relating to the knowledge economy and the digital transformation of cities. In this scenario, it is interesting to investigate analytically, at the urban scale, the relationship between the established drivers of development, in relation to geographical variables of influence. The present contribute, therefore, starting from a critical reflection on the subject, aims to bring analytical evidence of the presence of a geographical determinism relative to the intensity of the phenomenological correlation between the knowledge economy and digital transformation, showing that geographic factors related to urban size and location can strengthen the causal link. The value of the results is twofold, on a theoretical level, consists in the possibility of having accurate causal models that govern the dynamics of urban development inherent to the paradigms analysed and, on a practical level, in the possibility, for local administrators and experts, of characterize the planning of the activities, according to context variables.
A realist-informed assessment of several factual claims made by the globalists suggest that the repercussions of globalization in international relations have been grossly exaggerated. The state's economic sovereignty may well be challenged; yet, states are far from impotent in dealing with markets & still perform a number of functions that can hardly be ignored. Multinational corporations & other transnational actors may well play a key role in international affairs; yet, they must come to terms with states in many important ways. Globalization may well put a premium on devising common strategies for common problems; yet, no issue seems so global as to prevent states from looking at it from a national perspective. Above all, globalization may well pull & haul all states; yet, some states -- the more powerful in general, the US in particular -- are less constrained than others. As a result, those who present globalization as the beginning of a new era for international relations are neither theoretically original nor empirically convincing. 95 References. Adapted from the source document.
The reception of German culture in Italy, starting from the mid-eighteenth century, takes shape within an increasingly ramified network of mediators and mediation structures. Academies, universities, publishing houses and magazines mark the perimeter within which the activity of intellectuals animated by multiple interests unfolds, linked to a transnational conception of their profession and often able to intercept early tendencies and movements still at an initial state, creating the conditions for their incardination into Italian culture. A circulation of ideas that accompanies the development of social and political relations between the two countries, often providing incisive interpretation tools for tensions, conflicts and rapprochements.
Derek Walcott wrote that "History is sea": sailing, as a movement, goes beyond the borders and in the postcolonial narratives the transatlantic is a powerful symbol of the transnational space. The essay wants to analyse the images of the marine world, of the ocean and especially of the ship, the transatlantic as the fundamental and chronotopic figure of the postcolonial theories, particularly in relation to the delineation of a contemporary cultural and global reality as a transnational space in which take shape political and aesthetical expressions that challenge the modern conceptions on nationality, ethnicity and on cultural authenticity. The theories on postcolonialism by Paul Gilroy and Édouard Glissant are here examined. Gilroy considers the ship that moves through the archipelagos as the representation of the instability and the mutability of identities that are in perpetual development, since the ship's movement is transversal, not linear, and it crosses the "Black Atlantic", transmitting multicultural, hybrid ideas during its journey. Édouard Glissant is the theorist of the 'Antillanité' as the place of choice for the crossing of different cultures in the French-speaking Caribbean, and moves from his vision of the American and Caribbean landscape towards a broader, global identity.
The article places the origins of Italian scientific historiography on Southern reactionary brigandage in the political and intellectual contexts after the two World Wars. In both postwar periods the need to rethink the structures of the Italian state inspired new research about the resistances to unification. Drawing on 19th-century literature and on Gramsci's thought, historians adopted a land paradigm, which led them to read the rural brigandage as a form of class struggle. Fostered by the debate on Hobsbawm's work on social banditry, between the 1970s and the 1990s new studies on brigandage showed its complexity and its relations with traditional rural criminality. The land paradigm thus proved to be too rigid. In recent years the rise of multidisciplinary research on civil wars, guerrilla and transnational armed volunteers induced a number of Italian and foreign scholars to turn again the attention to brigandage, the understanding of which, consequently, is deeply changing.
The article places the origins of Italian scientific historiography on Southern reactionary brigandage in the political and intellectual contexts after the two World Wars. In both postwar periods the need to rethink the structures of the Italian state inspired new research about the resistances to unification. Drawing on 19th-century literature and on Gramsci's thought, historians adopted a land paradigm, which led them to read the rural brigandage as a form of class struggle. Fostered by the debate on Hobsbawm's work on social banditry, between the 1970s and the 1990s new studies on brigandage showed its complexity and its relations with traditional rural criminality. The land paradigm thus proved to be too rigid. In recent years the rise of multidisciplinary research on civil wars, guerrilla and transnational armed volunteers induced a number of Italian and foreign scholars to turn again the attention to brigandage, the understanding of which, consequently, is deeply changing.
The research is part of the global history of the Decolonization and Cold War, focusing on the formation and development of the postcolonial states of the former French Sub-Saharan Africa (Guinea, Mali, Senegal, Cameroon, Congo) and on the intervention of the Superpowers in that area. In this regard, the perception of the two most important Western communist parties, the Italian Communist Party and the French Communist Party, allows an original viewing angle to reconstruct the history of African nationalist and Marxist countries and movements. The transnational dynamics that have crossed western and equatorial Africa can be analyzed with a global view resulting from the PCI and PCF, defining their political, social and cultural features. The affinities and theoretical differences between the communist parties and African anti-colonial movements, the divisions in the "socialist camp" and the relations between the PCI and the PCF is an "histoire croisée" referring to the sources produced and preserved by these two political parties. It's a joint supervision PhD by "Tor Vergata" University of Rome and Paris 1 "Panthéon-Sorbonne" University. ; La recherche fait partie d'une histoire globale de la décolonisation et de la guerre froide. Cette histoire est centrée sur l'édification et le développement des états postcoloniaux de l'Afrique subsaharienne francophone (Guinée, Mali, Sénégal, Cameroun et Congo) et sur l'intervention des puissances étrangères dans ce territoire. En ce contexte, la perception des deux partis communistes les plus importants de l'Occident, le Parti communiste français et le Parti communiste italien, témoigne d'un point de vue original à l'égard de l'histoire des pays et des mouvements africains nationalistes et marxistes. Les dynamiques transnationales qui concernaient l'Afrique occidentale et équatoriale sont ici analysées avec la visuelle « globale » montrée par les deux partis communistes européens, ce qui définit leurs caractéristiques politiques, sociales et culturelles. Les similarités et les différences entre ces deux partis communistes et les mouvements anticoloniaux africains, ainsi que les fractures internes au « camp socialiste » et les relations entre PCI et PCF constituent une histoire croisée qui fait référence aux sources produites et conservées par ces deux organisations politiques. Il s'agit d'une thèse en cotutelle entre l'Université de Rome « Tor Vergata » et l'Université Paris 1 « Panthéon-Sorbonne ».
The research is part of the global history of the Decolonization and Cold War, focusing on the formation and development of the postcolonial states of the former French Sub-Saharan Africa (Guinea, Mali, Senegal, Cameroon, Congo) and on the intervention of the Superpowers in that area. In this regard, the perception of the two most important Western communist parties, the Italian Communist Party and the French Communist Party, allows an original viewing angle to reconstruct the history of African nationalist and Marxist countries and movements. The transnational dynamics that have crossed western and equatorial Africa can be analyzed with a global view resulting from the PCI and PCF, defining their political, social and cultural features. The affinities and theoretical differences between the communist parties and African anti-colonial movements, the divisions in the "socialist camp" and the relations between the PCI and the PCF is an "histoire croisée" referring to the sources produced and preserved by these two political parties. It's a joint supervision PhD by "Tor Vergata" University of Rome and Paris 1 "Panthéon-Sorbonne" University. ; La recherche fait partie d'une histoire globale de la décolonisation et de la guerre froide. Cette histoire est centrée sur l'édification et le développement des états postcoloniaux de l'Afrique subsaharienne francophone (Guinée, Mali, Sénégal, Cameroun et Congo) et sur l'intervention des puissances étrangères dans ce territoire. En ce contexte, la perception des deux partis communistes les plus importants de l'Occident, le Parti communiste français et le Parti communiste italien, témoigne d'un point de vue original à l'égard de l'histoire des pays et des mouvements africains nationalistes et marxistes. Les dynamiques transnationales qui concernaient l'Afrique occidentale et équatoriale sont ici analysées avec la visuelle « globale » montrée par les deux partis communistes européens, ce qui définit leurs caractéristiques politiques, sociales et culturelles. Les similarités et ...
The thesis analyses the relationship developed between the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) and the French Socialist Party (PS) during the long 1970s (more precisely, from 1969 to 1983). Profiting from recent archival openings (concerning the PSI documentation in particular),the research has the objective of reconstructing the relationship between the two parties "all round" by approaching the study from several different angles. Firstly, the focus in on their relationship at national level, describing the activity of the international departments of the two parties, the summits among the main leaders, and the participation in the party congresses. Secondly, it investigates what revolves around the socialist "galaxy", which includes the diverse panorama of the socialist press, both a space of intellectual discussion and of socialisation. A large part of the analysis focuses on with the study of the figures of the intermediaries, promoters of the connections and the translations between the two political parties. Lastly, the analysis concentrates on their relationship at an international level (Socialist International, European Community, Southern Europe) as well as on the structure of their local and regional networks, seeking to study the circulation of individuals, ideas, practices between the two parties also at transnational level (both at a "macro" scale and "micro" scale). The human dimension, the political character, the anthropological aspects between Italians and French: these are the three lines of research that aim at unveiling all the characteristics and nuances of what turns out to be a real "problematic friendship". ; La thèse analyse les rapports développés entre le PSI et le PS pendant les longues années 1970 (de 1969 à 1983). Grâce aux possibilités offertes par de récentes ouvertures archivistiques (notamment concernant l'accès à des nouvelles ressources documentaires sur le PSI), la recherche se pose comme objectif celui de reconstruire la relation entre les deux partis « a tutto tondo », en utilisant plusieurs angles d'approches. On décrit, tout d'abord, les rapports au niveau national, abordant la reconstruction de l'activité des départements internationales des deux partis, des sommets parmi les hauts dirigeants, de la participation aux congrès de parti. Ensuite, on analyse ce qui gravite autour de la « galaxie » socialiste. Avec le panorama diversifié de la presse socialiste, à la fois foyer de discussion intellectuelle et espace de sociabilité. Une partie significative de l'étude est consacrée à l'étude des figures des intermédiaires entre les deux groupes, promoteurs des liaisons et de traductions entre les deux expériences. L'analyse s'élargie également sur l'étude de la relation sur un plan international (Internationale Socialiste, Communauté Européenne, Europe du Sud) et au sein de certaines réalités locales et régionales, cherchant à étudier la circulation des individus, des idées, des pratiques entre les deux expériences aussi à l'échelle transnationale (autant au niveau « macro » que « micro »). Les trois pistes de recherches qui parcourent l'étude - la dimension humaine, le caractère politique, l'aspect anthropologique entre Italiens et Français – dévoilent toutes les caractéristiques et les nuances d'une véritable « amitié difficile ».
L'articolo ha come obiettivo dimostrare l'inefficacia del diritto del lavoro in tempi di globalizzazione nel tutelare il lavoratore, quale contraente debole del rapporto di lavoro. Dopo una breve disamina del contesto storico-politico della globalizzazione, che ha portato ad un diritto del lavoro sempre più privatizzato, si insiste nell'assenza di una forma di protezione universale per i lavoratori dal punto di vista del diritto internazionale pubblico nei sistemi OIL-WTO-carte Onu; si individua infine come unica tutela transnazionale, e comunque orientata in senso favorevole al mercato, la giurisprudenza della Corte di Giustizia alla luce delle disposizioni della Carta europea dei diritti fondamentali. ; The article is aimed at demonstrating that in globalization labour law is ineffective to protect the worker, as weak contractor in the employment relationship. After a short analysis of the historical and political context of globalization, that brought labour law to privatization, the author highlights the lack of universal protection for workers from the point of view of international public law in the systems of ILO-WTO-UN charts; finally, he describes -like unique transnational form of workers' protection, even if market-oriented - the recent jurisprudence of the European Court of Justice about the European Chart of Fundamental Rights. ; L'article veut démontrer la faiblesse du droit du travail dans la mondialisation en ce qui concerne la protection du travailleur, contractant sous-protégé dans la relation de travail .Aprés une brève description du contexte historique et politique de la globalisation, qui a produit un droit du travail toujours plus privatisé, on souligne l'absence de techniques de sauvegarde du travailleur dans le système du droit international publique (OIT, OMC, documents ONU); à la fin, on individue la jurisprudence de la Court de Justice comme seule forme de protection transnationale du travailleur, même si orientée vers les valeurs du marché. ; El artículo quiere demostrar la ineficacia del derecho del trabajo en la globalización en lo que se refiere a la protección del trabajador, en cuanto contrayente débil. Tras una breve descripción del contexto histórico-político de la globalización, que ha producido un de - recho del trabajo cada vez más privatizado, se subraya la ausencia de una forma de protec - ción en pos de los trabajadores en el sistema del derecho internacional público (OIT, OMC, cartas ONU); por fin, se individua, como única forma de tutela transnacional del trabajador, en cualquier caso orientada hacia el mercado, y la recién jurisprudencia de la Corte de Justicia de la Unión Europea a la luz de la Carta Europea de los derechos fundamentales.
