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Processes of increasing integration and globalization and their influence on nation-state sovereignty, political subjectivity and citizenship are analyzed in the article. The formation of common European identity is discussed. It emphasizes the loosing role of national factor and its transformation into multiculturalism. The concept of allegiance is particularly useful for understanding the complex and problematic relation between a national citizenship, a nation state, and a transnational or supranational policy. The general hypothesis is that European allegiance does not depend on how people look at European integration. How a public understands the European Community or Union (EC, EU) in a general way is most likely largely inconsequential. The extend to which people are attached to locality, region or country is arguably not directly related to their "European" attachment. Instead, European allegiance must be viewed as originating in national allegiance. National allegiance, in turn, is contingent on national social and economic performance. European integration, therefore, depends on a double allegiance, consisting of a primary allegiance to the nation-state and its political elite and secondary allegiance to the EC or EU. ; Europoje egzistuoja keli identiteto sluoksniai: europinis, Rytų ar Vakarų Europos, Europos Sąjungos (toliau – ES), regioninis, nacionalinis. Stiprėjant integracijos tendencijoms postmodernioje Europoje, kyla naujo kolektyvinio, europinio identiteto klausimas. Kartu didėja sąvokų europietis ir Europos nacionalinės valstybės pilietis sampratos skirtumai, kinta tapatumas su savo šalimi. Europos Sąjungos raidoje reikšmingas yra dviejų lygių identitetas, sudarytas iš pirminio, t. y. tapatumo su savo nacionaline valstybe, ir antrinio, t. y. tapatumo su Europos Sąjunga, kaip platesne nei nacionalinė valstybė, esybe. Europietiškų ir nacionalinių interesų konfliktas gali sukurti vadinamąjį "pasidalinto lojalumo" psichologinį reiškinį. Stiprėjant integracijos procesams postmodernioje Europoje, nacionalinis veiksnys išsilaisvina iš politikos ir besivienijančioje Europoje transformuojasi į multikultūralizmą. Nacionalinių kultūrų įvairovė bei joje pasireiškianti kultūrų vienybė yra Europos turtas bei jos tolesnio klestėjimo pagrindas.

The dynamics of international system, globalization process and changing concept of security brings transnational challenges and leads to a new look at nation state and the discussion of its security question. The growing importance of economic processes raises state economic security issue as a part of national security. Internal and external factors of this security sector and their links creates and shapes each state perception of its economic security, where near economic aspects, very important place is given for rate between nation state and individuals. The latter is emphasizes by comprehensive dynamics of economic processes and state's facing with these new transnational challenges, which are taking qualitative and quantitative features of operations. Transnational organized crime has these characteristics by controlling illegal markets and expanding political-criminal relationships, which goes further than economic security "limits", this also has influence for state role in international arena and effectiveness of its institutions. The connections between organized crime, state economic security and state political system allows to analyze the impact of criminal groups for state as independent actor of international system and as the analysis of security level. Developing and using transnational organized crime model in analysis for Chinese triads, the Mexican cartels and Russian mafia and their home states involves country history, cultural context and legacy of prior political regimes as crucial factors in political and economical relations between state and its organized crime groups. This is proven by analyzing measurements taken to fight against the influence of criminal groups and preventing their crossing one state borders. Taking actions inside the state and international arena proves influential organized crime role in state which is further reinforced by these groups of violence against state authorities. In this case, the state is not the only who has the monopoly of power; there is concurrency from the side of organized crime. In this way, it threatens the stability of the state which stressed by creating of certain "behaviour" between organized crime and state. The latter is partly justified and accepted by both state and society. In this case, organized crime as the challenge to state economic security is understood as multi-covering and multi-trend process which increases vulnerability of both this security of economic sector and uncovers others security sectors and security levels.

The dynamics of international system, globalization process and changing concept of security brings transnational challenges and leads to a new look at nation state and the discussion of its security question. The growing importance of economic processes raises state economic security issue as a part of national security. Internal and external factors of this security sector and their links creates and shapes each state perception of its economic security, where near economic aspects, very important place is given for rate between nation state and individuals. The latter is emphasizes by comprehensive dynamics of economic processes and state's facing with these new transnational challenges, which are taking qualitative and quantitative features of operations. Transnational organized crime has these characteristics by controlling illegal markets and expanding political-criminal relationships, which goes further than economic security "limits", this also has influence for state role in international arena and effectiveness of its institutions. The connections between organized crime, state economic security and state political system allows to analyze the impact of criminal groups for state as independent actor of international system and as the analysis of security level. Developing and using transnational organized crime model in analysis for Chinese triads, the Mexican cartels and Russian mafia and their home states involves country history, cultural context and legacy of prior political regimes as crucial factors in political and economical relations between state and its organized crime groups. This is proven by analyzing measurements taken to fight against the influence of criminal groups and preventing their crossing one state borders. Taking actions inside the state and international arena proves influential organized crime role in state which is further reinforced by these groups of violence against state authorities. In this case, the state is not the only who has the monopoly of power; there is concurrency from the side of organized crime. In this way, it threatens the stability of the state which stressed by creating of certain "behaviour" between organized crime and state. The latter is partly justified and accepted by both state and society. In this case, organized crime as the challenge to state economic security is understood as multi-covering and multi-trend process which increases vulnerability of both this security of economic sector and uncovers others security sectors and security levels.

The dynamics of international system, globalization process and changing concept of security brings transnational challenges and leads to a new look at nation state and the discussion of its security question. The growing importance of economic processes raises state economic security issue as a part of national security. Internal and external factors of this security sector and their links creates and shapes each state perception of its economic security, where near economic aspects, very important place is given for rate between nation state and individuals. The latter is emphasizes by comprehensive dynamics of economic processes and state's facing with these new transnational challenges, which are taking qualitative and quantitative features of operations. Transnational organized crime has these characteristics by controlling illegal markets and expanding political-criminal relationships, which goes further than economic security "limits", this also has influence for state role in international arena and effectiveness of its institutions. The connections between organized crime, state economic security and state political system allows to analyze the impact of criminal groups for state as independent actor of international system and as the analysis of security level. Developing and using transnational organized crime model in analysis for Chinese triads, the Mexican cartels and Russian mafia and their home states involves country history, cultural context and legacy of prior political regimes as crucial factors in political and economical relations between state and its organized crime groups. This is proven by analyzing measurements taken to fight against the influence of criminal groups and preventing their crossing one state borders. Taking actions inside the state and international arena proves influential organized crime role in state which is further reinforced by these groups of violence against state authorities. In this case, the state is not the only who has the monopoly of power; there is concurrency from the side of organized crime. In this way, it threatens the stability of the state which stressed by creating of certain "behaviour" between organized crime and state. The latter is partly justified and accepted by both state and society. In this case, organized crime as the challenge to state economic security is understood as multi-covering and multi-trend process which increases vulnerability of both this security of economic sector and uncovers others security sectors and security levels.

In contemporary international security system new elements of security appears on the stage and energy security is this kind of element. The importance of energy security grows along with the growing dependency of states on the energy resources, and also by growing rivalry in international system for control of the resources. Energy resources are becoming part of economy, foreign policy and as well as various security elements. Analysing states through prism of energy security it is possible to indentify the main actors in the filed of energy security, to distinguish levels of their influence, to determine their links and interactions. This allows constructing global energy security system. Article distinguishes three types of states in the field of energy security: producers, consumers and transit states. These types of states interact with each other and this interaction is a core of energy security for individual states and global system. Producers are the most influential group followed by consumers as transit states that are dependent on the relations between producers and consumers. Producers and consumers through changes in energy security can influence regional and global security as changes in global and regional security (also energy security) interacts with each other. Transnational actors and global economical factors could influence global or regional energy security. Geographical distribution of energy resources influences relations between producers, consumers and transit states as well as influences global and regional energy security. Geographical positions and climatic conditions influence energy security of individual states and their interaction.

In contemporary international security system new elements of security appears on the stage and energy security is this kind of element. The importance of energy security grows along with the growing dependency of states on the energy resources, and also by growing rivalry in international system for control of the resources. Energy resources are becoming part of economy, foreign policy and as well as various security elements. Analysing states through prism of energy security it is possible to indentify the main actors in the filed of energy security, to distinguish levels of their influence, to determine their links and interactions. This allows constructing global energy security system. Article distinguishes three types of states in the field of energy security: producers, consumers and transit states. These types of states interact with each other and this interaction is a core of energy security for individual states and global system. Producers are the most influential group followed by consumers as transit states that are dependent on the relations between producers and consumers. Producers and consumers through changes in energy security can influence regional and global security as changes in global and regional security (also energy security) interacts with each other. Transnational actors and global economical factors could influence global or regional energy security. Geographical distribution of energy resources influences relations between producers, consumers and transit states as well as influences global and regional energy security. Geographical positions and climatic conditions influence energy security of individual states and their interaction.

The paper presents new evolutionary typology of capitalism in outline. This typology is grounded in the Marxist conception of the mode of production that considers as distinguishing features of a mode of production the character of the production forces and that of the property relations for means of production. However, the thesis of K. Marx is rejected that capitalist relation of production are no more adeaquate to production forces. Instead, the view is substantiated that the development of the production forces causes the replacement of one capitalist mode of production by another capitalist mode of production. In the analysis of the development of production forces under capitalism, the ideas of Nikolai Kondratieff and Joseph A. Schumpeter on long business cycles are used. In the development of the production forces since industrial revolution in the late XVIII century, 5 technological economical paradigms are distinguished. Each of them is foundation of a separate capitalist mode of production. 5 capitalist modes of production corresponding to the 5 long Kondratieff waves are main evolutionary types of capitalism. They are (1) local capitalism of individual and family enterprise owners; (2) local capitalism of small and middle closed joint stock companies (corporations); (3) national capitalism of big private corporations; (4) state regulated national capitalism of poblic corporations; (5) globalized transnational capitalism of investition funds. These types can be differentiated into subtypes, like liberal market and coordinated capitalism for type (4). This typology is most adequate for the analysis of the economic life in the advanced countries. In the analysis of the social economic reality from the periphery and semiperiphery of the contemporary world capitalist system, the types of political oligarchic, state and state monopolist capitalism are more useful.

The paper presents new evolutionary typology of capitalism in outline. This typology is grounded in the Marxist conception of the mode of production that considers as distinguishing features of a mode of production the character of the production forces and that of the property relations for means of production. However, the thesis of K. Marx is rejected that capitalist relation of production are no more adeaquate to production forces. Instead, the view is substantiated that the development of the production forces causes the replacement of one capitalist mode of production by another capitalist mode of production. In the analysis of the development of production forces under capitalism, the ideas of Nikolai Kondratieff and Joseph A. Schumpeter on long business cycles are used. In the development of the production forces since industrial revolution in the late XVIII century, 5 technological economical paradigms are distinguished. Each of them is foundation of a separate capitalist mode of production. 5 capitalist modes of production corresponding to the 5 long Kondratieff waves are main evolutionary types of capitalism. They are (1) local capitalism of individual and family enterprise owners; (2) local capitalism of small and middle closed joint stock companies (corporations); (3) national capitalism of big private corporations; (4) state regulated national capitalism of poblic corporations; (5) globalized transnational capitalism of investition funds. These types can be differentiated into subtypes, like liberal market and coordinated capitalism for type (4). This typology is most adequate for the analysis of the economic life in the advanced countries. In the analysis of the social economic reality from the periphery and semiperiphery of the contemporary world capitalist system, the types of political oligarchic, state and state monopolist capitalism are more useful.

It is no exaggeration to claim that the international trade system, alongside the economic and managerial activities of individual enterprises, plays an ever increasing role in the contemporary process of trade relations. This process is further characterised by extensive participation of transnational corporations and government institutions. Lithuania's accession to the EU has also marked a shift of its export flows in that direction. In its own right the European Union (EU) as one of the largest trading blocks in the world, is engaged in fierce competition with other blocks as well as individual countries for domination in the global products markets. While a special co-ordinating role is played by the World Trade Organisation (WTO), it is the emergence of the Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs), particularly in the form of regional trading blocks, that represents the main dynamic development in trade relations. The diffi­culties of reaching trade agreements are particularly severe between the developed and developing nations, something that the trade negotiations round at Doha illustrated vividly. The path that trade negotiations will take in the future will have a profound effect on the competitiveness of Lithuania's exports both inside and outside the EU, owing particularly to Lithuania's status as a small and open economy. The aim of this article is to evaluate the key aspects of the world trade and EU trade system with a view to assess their possible impact on the trends and prospects for Lithuania's export flows within the EU internal market. The revealed comparative advantage is used to measure the important changes in Lithuania's export competitiveness over 2004-2008 time frame in the EU internal market and attempt to assess how a possible adoption of new trade measures through Doha trade round could further affect Lithuania's export competitiveness.

It is no exaggeration to claim that the international trade system, alongside the economic and managerial activities of individual enterprises, plays an ever increasing role in the contemporary process of trade relations. This process is further characterised by extensive participation of transnational corporations and government institutions. Lithuania's accession to the EU has also marked a shift of its export flows in that direction. In its own right the European Union (EU) as one of the largest trading blocks in the world, is engaged in fierce competition with other blocks as well as individual countries for domination in the global products markets. While a special co-ordinating role is played by the World Trade Organisation (WTO), it is the emergence of the Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs), particularly in the form of regional trading blocks, that represents the main dynamic development in trade relations. The diffi­culties of reaching trade agreements are particularly severe between the developed and developing nations, something that the trade negotiations round at Doha illustrated vividly. The path that trade negotiations will take in the future will have a profound effect on the competitiveness of Lithuania's exports both inside and outside the EU, owing particularly to Lithuania's status as a small and open economy. The aim of this article is to evaluate the key aspects of the world trade and EU trade system with a view to assess their possible impact on the trends and prospects for Lithuania's export flows within the EU internal market. The revealed comparative advantage is used to measure the important changes in Lithuania's export competitiveness over 2004-2008 time frame in the EU internal market and attempt to assess how a possible adoption of new trade measures through Doha trade round could further affect Lithuania's export competitiveness.

The paper presents new evolutionary typology of capitalism in outline. This typology is grounded in the Marxist conception of the mode of production that considers as distinguishing features of a mode of production the character of the production forces and that of the property relations for means of production. However, the thesis of K. Marx is rejected that capitalist relation of production are no more adeaquate to production forces. Instead, the view is substantiated that the development of the production forces causes the replacement of one capitalist mode of production by another capitalist mode of production. In the analysis of the development of production forces under capitalism, the ideas of Nikolai Kondratieff and Joseph A. Schumpeter on long business cycles are used. In the development of the production forces since industrial revolution in the late XVIII century, 5 technological economical paradigms are distinguished. Each of them is foundation of a separate capitalist mode of production. 5 capitalist modes of production corresponding to the 5 long Kondratieff waves are main evolutionary types of capitalism. They are (1) local capitalism of individual and family enterprise owners; (2) local capitalism of small and middle closed joint stock companies (corporations); (3) national capitalism of big private corporations; (4) state regulated national capitalism of poblic corporations; (5) globalized transnational capitalism of investition funds. These types can be differentiated into subtypes, like liberal market and coordinated capitalism for type (4). This typology is most adequate for the analysis of the economic life in the advanced countries. In the analysis of the social economic reality from the periphery and semiperiphery of the contemporary world capitalist system, the types of political oligarchic, state and state monopolist capitalism are more useful.

The paper presents new evolutionary typology of capitalism in outline. This typology is grounded in the Marxist conception of the mode of production that considers as distinguishing features of a mode of production the character of the production forces and that of the property relations for means of production. However, the thesis of K. Marx is rejected that capitalist relation of production are no more adeaquate to production forces. Instead, the view is substantiated that the development of the production forces causes the replacement of one capitalist mode of production by another capitalist mode of production. In the analysis of the development of production forces under capitalism, the ideas of Nikolai Kondratieff and Joseph A. Schumpeter on long business cycles are used. In the development of the production forces since industrial revolution in the late XVIII century, 5 technological economical paradigms are distinguished. Each of them is foundation of a separate capitalist mode of production. 5 capitalist modes of production corresponding to the 5 long Kondratieff waves are main evolutionary types of capitalism. They are (1) local capitalism of individual and family enterprise owners; (2) local capitalism of small and middle closed joint stock companies (corporations); (3) national capitalism of big private corporations; (4) state regulated national capitalism of poblic corporations; (5) globalized transnational capitalism of investition funds. These types can be differentiated into subtypes, like liberal market and coordinated capitalism for type (4). This typology is most adequate for the analysis of the economic life in the advanced countries. In the analysis of the social economic reality from the periphery and semiperiphery of the contemporary world capitalist system, the types of political oligarchic, state and state monopolist capitalism are more useful.

This paper discusses the main nuances associated with the implementation and protection of consumer rights to the digital content. In particular, the main regulatory legal acts of the national and, if possible, supranational level will be considered, license agreements with the consumer will also be considered. Within the framework of these legal acts, the basic rights of the consumer, the rights of the campaign and possible ways of resolving disputes will be established. Also in this paper, specific examples of paragraphs of user agreements and their relationship with the legislation of the countries in question will be given. Examples of court decisions regarding consumer protection of digital content will be provided. Also, these decisions will be analyzed, in which cases of violation of consumer rights will be presented, and how the court applied national law to relations containing a foreign element between the consumer and the seller. Also, based on an analysis of the national law, supranational law, paragraphs of user agreements and court decisions, I will provide a list of recommendations for the further development of legal norms in this area and recommendations to administrative bodies and independent organizations. The purpose of this work is to demonstrate two things: the availability of modern law that meets the basic changes of our time is not a guarantee of observing consumer rights in the following cases: when companies engaged in cross-border or transnational activity do not make the necessary modifications of user agreements; administrative bodies and citizens are inactive, as a result of which the courts do not make decisions that would establish justice in this matter.

This paper discusses the main nuances associated with the implementation and protection of consumer rights to the digital content. In particular, the main regulatory legal acts of the national and, if possible, supranational level will be considered, license agreements with the consumer will also be considered. Within the framework of these legal acts, the basic rights of the consumer, the rights of the campaign and possible ways of resolving disputes will be established. Also in this paper, specific examples of paragraphs of user agreements and their relationship with the legislation of the countries in question will be given. Examples of court decisions regarding consumer protection of digital content will be provided. Also, these decisions will be analyzed, in which cases of violation of consumer rights will be presented, and how the court applied national law to relations containing a foreign element between the consumer and the seller. Also, based on an analysis of the national law, supranational law, paragraphs of user agreements and court decisions, I will provide a list of recommendations for the further development of legal norms in this area and recommendations to administrative bodies and independent organizations. The purpose of this work is to demonstrate two things: the availability of modern law that meets the basic changes of our time is not a guarantee of observing consumer rights in the following cases: when companies engaged in cross-border or transnational activity do not make the necessary modifications of user agreements; administrative bodies and citizens are inactive, as a result of which the courts do not make decisions that would establish justice in this matter.

The article discuses the problem that was recently raised in the Lithuanian historical literature & public discourse by G. Beresnevieius, A. Bumblauskas, S. C. Rowell: was the medieval Lithuanian state (Grand Duchy of Lithuania; GDL) an empire? Important reason for the emergence of this problem was the partial rehabilitation of the very concept of "empire" due to the dissolution of the the USSR (reputed as "last empire") & the search for common legacies by the historians of the countries involved in the construction of the European Union as a transnational political community. There were important reasons for the traditional historiography to abstain from the use of the concepts of "empire" & "imperialism" in the work on GDL. For Non-Marxist Russian historians, GDL was simply another Russian state, so there could not be Russian imperialism against Russians. For Marxist historians, imperialism was a phase in the "capitalist formation," immediately preceding the socialist revolution & bound to the specific period of world history, so the research on precapitalist empires & imperialism was suspect of anachronism. For the opposite reason, deriving from the hermeneutic methodology, the talk about medieval Lithuanian empire & imperialism was an anachronism for Non-Marxist Polish & German historians too, because they considered as Empires only polities that claimed to be successors to Roman Empire: the Holy Roman Empire of German Nation, Byzantine Empire, Moscow Empire. Lithuanian political elite never raised such claims, although theory of the Lithuanian descent from Romans (Legend of Palemon) could be used for this goal. Starting from path-breaking work by S. N. Eisenstadt "The Political Systems of Empires" (1963), comparative politics, history, sociology, anthropology & theory of international relations witnessed the emergence of the field of interdisciplinary studies that can be described as comparative studies of empires & imperialism. Second section of the paper provides the survey of the theoretical work in this field in search of the ideas useful for the analysis of the peculiarities of the medieval Lithuanian state. This survey includes into its scope the work of S. N. Eisenstadt, I. Wallerstein, A. Motyl, B. Buzan, R. Little, A. Watson, M. Beissinger, Ch.Tilly & M. Doyle, whose book "Empires" is considered as the most important contribution to the theorizing of empires & imperialism up to this date. Adapted from the source document.