The Philippines play a major role in expanding the international Filipino community through its promotion of international labor migration-Filipinos can currently be found in over 130 countries throughout the world. As the first major work to conceive of Filipino immigration as a diaspora, this study analyses the diasporic nature of Filipino relations, identities, and communities and shows how these transnational phenomena are socially constructed by the everyday actions and activities of Filipino Americans. Instead of focusing on an ethnic minority and its relation to its host society, a di
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Nonprofit environmental organizations often have global policy goals. Consequently, they pursue transnational objectives by pressuring influential governments and international institutions. The effectiveness of this strategy as applied to nation‐states varies by domestic political structure. First, transnational actors are more likely to achieve their goals in society‐dominated rather than they are in state‐dominated countries because the former are more open to external inputs to the policy process and provide a greater number of access points. Second, ironically, transnational actors are more likely to achieve success in relatively centralized states if political access is attained. Decentralization invites a cacophony of voices in what may turn into a maelstrom of domestic politics. Relatively centralized corporatist states may prove accessible without the disadvantage of domestic turbulence.
How national political structures affect environmental organizations' ability to successfully promote their goals; case studies of international efforts to stop the financing of the Sardar Sarovar and Tehri dams, both in India. Analyzes the effectiveness of different tactics in "society-dominated" vs. "state-dominated" countries, and with centralized vs. decentralized governments.
Drawing on case-studies from the Americas, Europe, Africa and Asia, International Migration and Sending Countries demonstrates how sending countries are emerging as complex and significant actors in migration politics. It shows how a more nuanced understanding of sending countries' policies towards their emigrants and diasporas is relevant for both academic and public policy debates on issues of migration control and development. In addition, wider issues are considered such as the implications of migrants' cross-border membership, dual allegiances and transnational practices, together with the scope and powers of the state in a period of globalization.
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"Today it is widely recognised that the 'long 1970s' was a decisive international transition period during which traditional, collective-oriented socio-economic interest and welfare policies were increasingly replaced by the more individually and neo-liberally oriented value policies of the post-industrial epoch. Seen from a distance of three decades, it is increasingly clear that these socio-economic and socio-cultural processes also found their expression at the level of national and international political power. The contributors to this volume explore these processes of political-cultural realignment and their social impetus in Western Europe and the Euro-Atlantic area in and around the 1970s in the context of three agenda-setting topics of international history of this period: human rights, including the impact of decolonisation; East-West détente in Europe; and transnational relations and discourses. Going beyond the so-called Americanisation processes of the immediate postwar period, this volume reclaims Europe's place--and particularly that of smaller European nations--in contemporary Western history, demonstrating Europe's contribution to transatlantic transformation processes in political culture, discourse, and power during this period"--Provided by publisher.
Anhand der Fallrekonstruktion eines kubanischen Migranten in Berlin gebe ich einen Einblick in diachronisch/ biografische Dynamiken ethnischer Zugehörigkeiten und in Formen transnationaler Beziehungen. Zudem wird die Situation kubanischer Migrant/innen in Deutschland dargestellt.
Abstract This article examines agency unfolding in the relationships that Afghan migrants and return migrants maintain with Afghanistan. Based on qualitative case studies of Afghan diaspora groups in Germany and the UK and Afghan return migrants in Kabul, we focus on how people engage with and position themselves in relation to Afghanistan. Drawing on Emirbayer and Mische's tri-dimensional concept of agency in combination with Vigh's idea of social navigation, we approach affective relations and forms of practical (transnational) engagement as expressions of agency. Research on migrants and return migrants is seldom brought together. However, exploring the types of engagement of these two groups with Afghanistan is telling for three reasons. First, it enables us to identify parallels and differences in the way Afghan migrants and return migrants relate to Afghanistan. Secondly, we uncover how ideas of change vary in different settings and under different socio-political conditions. Thirdly, we demonstrate that ties between people and place are not innate but an expression of agency and self-positioning. These in turn are contingent on individual characteristics and the context in which people are embedded. Compared to policy-oriented discussions on the migration-development nexus and on forms and outcomes of migrant engagements, our study yields a more nuanced understanding of entanglements between agency and engagement among Afghan migrants and return migrants.
European countries are becoming increasingly politically integrated and the process of integration has accelerated in recent years. But how much social integration is there within the Community? This article supplies a definition of European social integration, and thereby lays down the foundations necessary for answering this important sociological question. Instead of analysing the EU as a political system, I view the EU as a social space of non-state actors of different nationality, and concentrate on the intergroup relations between the national collectivities involved in the amalgamation process. I define social integration as being transnational and macro-social; my definition has a quantitative dimension (relating to mutual relevance) as well as a qualitative dimension (relating to cohesion). I will argue that this definition is more useful than the European Commission's approach, which equates social integration with the convergence of living and working conditions, and also more useful than the social policy approach, which equates social integration with the convergence of regulations and social policies. ; Unter dem Dach der Europäischen Union (EU) und ihrer Vorläufer ist die politische Integration Europas ein gutes Stück vorangekommen. Doch wie steht es mit der sozialen Integration innerhalb der Gemeinschaft? In diesem Artikel wird eine Definition von europäischer Sozialintegration vorgestellt, die uns erst in die Lage versetzt, diese soziologische Frage zu beantworten. Die EU wird dabei nicht als politisches System betrachtet, sondern als Sozialraum, bestehend aus den europäischen Nationen. Die Integration dieses Sozialraumes bestimmt sich durch die Quantität (diesen Aspekt nenne ich gegenseitige Relevanz) und Qualität (diesen Aspekt nenne ich sozialen Zusammenhalt) der Beziehungen zwischen den EU-Völkern. Meine Definition von europäischer Sozialintegration ist demnach transnational und makro-sozial. Es wird argumentiert, dass dieses Konzept brauchbarer ist als bestehende Ansätze wie der der Europäischen Kommission, bei dem möglichst einheitliche Arbeits- und Lebensbedingungen im Vordergrund stehen, und dem sozialpolitischen Ansatz, bei dem Integration mit der Vereinheitlichung von Sozialpolitik gleichgesetzt wird.
Bringing Transnational Relations Back In: Non-State Actors, Domestic Structures and International Institutions edited by Thomas Risse-Kappen. Bringing Transnational Relations Back In: Non-State Actors, Domestic Structures and International Institutions, a book edited by Thomas Risse-Kappen, is reviewed.