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This article examines the role of trust in decision-making processes, which involves major interest groups, representing the world of work and business. This process is often referred to as the concept of social dialogue, which is generally defined as all forms of negotiation and consultation between the trade unions and employers and the state. In this formula, dialogue can be regarded as a mechanism of public policy making. The first part of the article is a short presentation of links between social dialogue and public policies. The second part addresses the issue of trust, which is a prerequisite for high quality and effective social dialogue. The quality and effectiveness of dialogue are correlated with the price, which participants have to pay for taking part in the dialogue and its outcomes. This is an issue of transaction costs, which are determined by "trust capital". The third part examines contribution of trust to the cost effect of social dialogue. The study concludes with a presentation of the research, conducted among trade unionists and employers who have, inter alia, assessed the role of trust in dialogue.

The article focuses on the national dimensions of the EU communication policy in Sweden, Finland and Denmark. The cornerstone of the EU communication policy is the dialogue with citizens about the policies and the future of the EU. It is based on openness, transparency and accountability which greatly contribute to building citizens' trust in the authorities' activity. EU communication policy is realized through e-governance, language policy and the policy in the sphere of mass media. The aim of the article is to analyze the experience and best practices of top 3 EU countries (Sweden, Finland and Denmark) in terms of the assessment of national policies in the field of ICT and digital skills of citizens in the sphere of communication policy. The hypothesis is that these states being the leaders as to citizens' digital literacy have introduced efficient channels of involving citizens in the decision making process.

The article focuses on the national dimensions of the EU communication policy in Sweden, Finland and Denmark. The cornerstone of the EU communication policy is the dialogue with citizens about the policies and the future of the EU. It is based on openness, transparency and accountability which greatly contribute to building citizens' trust in the authorities' activity. EU communication policy is realized through e-governance, language policy and the policy in the sphere of mass media. The aim of the article is to analyze the experience and best practices of top 3 EU countries (Sweden, Finland and Denmark) in terms of the assessment of national policies in the field of ICT and digital skills of citizens in the sphere of communication policy. The hypothesis is that these states being the leaders as to citizens' digital literacy have introduced efficient channels of involving citizens in the decision making process.

The object of research is the trust problem in the relations of the East and the West. The author in detail analyzes the phenomenon of trust, its principles and distinctive signs. Special attention is paid to conditions of formation of trust as on micro (between individuals) and at the macro level (between societies). The author connects the trust problem with a categorization "friend-or-foe", considered in the civilization aspect of the subject. Thus, the author in the research used the case study method and content analysis. The novelty of research consists in approach to understanding intensity between civilizations of the East and the West through a problem of the possibility of confidential relations between them. The author comes to a conclusion that in the modern international relations there is a paradoxical situation: the trust measure between the countries decreases, in volume time as it is possible to cope with new calls and threats only through consolidation of the world community on the basis of mutual trust.

The object of research is the trust problem in the relations of the East and the West. The author in detail analyzes the phenomenon of trust, its principles and distinctive signs. Special attention is paid to conditions of formation of trust as on micro (between individuals) and at the macro level (between societies). The author connects the trust problem with a categorization "friend-or-foe", considered in the civilization aspect of the subject. Thus, the author in the research used the case study method and content analysis. The novelty of research consists in approach to understanding intensity between civilizations of the East and the West through a problem of the possibility of confidential relations between them. The author comes to a conclusion that in the modern international relations there is a paradoxical situation: the trust measure between the countries decreases, in volume time as it is possible to cope with new calls and threats only through consolidation of the world community on the basis of mutual trust.

The article treat about functioning of penitentiary institutions in the context of the paradigm of total institutions, the author is analysing current methodological arrangements in examining the penitentiary institutions /P. Moczydłowski, M. Ciosek. H. Machel, M. Kamiński/. Next he is presenting own methodological proposals concerning research penitentiary institutions

Russo-Western relations after the declared end of the Cold War, just as on the eve and in the middle of it, have been fraught with developments pointing towards the persisting distrust and disgust in one another's perceptions cast against the background of officially declared truce. Such a decades-long half-truth-balancing has gradually lost its flexibility and acceptability and culminated in what much of the current academic debate calls, since 2014, a "Russian-Ukrainian conflict", but what, in fact, presents an extension to the latent Russo-Western conflict that embarked upon the end of the Cold War – a "cold peace".This article aims to reveal the origins, form and substance of the current Russian hybrid gambling in Ukraine by addressing the essential notions in international but also domestic politics – trust, truth, lies/deception, distrust, war and peace immensely trapped by politics of incremental hybridity and interpretivism.

Russo-Western relations after the declared end of the Cold War, just as on the eve and in the middle of it, have been fraught with developments pointing towards the persisting distrust and disgust in one another's perceptions cast against the background of officially declared truce. Such a decades-long half-truth-balancing has gradually lost its flexibility and acceptability and culminated in what much of the current academic debate calls, since 2014, a "Russian-Ukrainian conflict", but what, in fact, presents an extension to the latent Russo-Western conflict that embarked upon the end of the Cold War – a "cold peace".This article aims to reveal the origins, form and substance of the current Russian hybrid gambling in Ukraine by addressing the essential notions in international but also domestic politics – trust, truth, lies/deception, distrust, war and peace immensely trapped by politics of incremental hybridity and interpretivism.

This article presents the results of an experimental research carried out in Poland on selected aspects of social capital. These aspects were trust and trustworthiness. Our research was conducted on a total of 1540 students at universities in 16 Polish cities, capitals of 16 administrative regions, and was based on a commonly used experimental game termed the 'Trust Game'. These results were compared with the results of studies performed in many other countries all over the world. It has been found that with regard to the proportion of money returned by Player B (a measure of trustworthiness), Poles (and more generally, those from Central and Eastern Europe) do not significantly differ from other countries belonging to Western culture (Oceania, Western Europe, North America). Based on the proportion of the money transferred by Player A (a measure of generalised trust), there is only a weak indication that Poles are less trusting than other Europeans. ; Artykuł prezentuje wyniki badań eksperymentalnych nad wybranymi aspektami kapitału społecznego w Polsce na tle innych państw. Analizowane są w nim aspekty: zaufania i wiarygodności. W artykule porównano wyniki badań opartych na typowej grę eksperymentalną (grę "zaufanie"), w tym polskie badania autorów przeprowadzone na grupie 1540 studentów w 16 miastach – stolicach regionów Polski. Wyniki badań wskazują, że względem proporcji pieniędzy oddanych przez gracza B (miara wiarygodności), Polacy (oraz ogólnie mieszkańcy Europy Centralnej/Wschodniej) nie różnią od osób z kultury zachodniej (Oceania, Europa Zachodnia, Ameryka Północna). Biorąc pod uwagę proporcję pieniędzy przekazanych przez gracza A (miara zaufania), istnieją słabe tylko dowody, że Polacy przekazują mniejszą część (czyli są mniej ufni) niż pozostali Europejczycy.

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, dlaczego w krajach Europy należących do zachodniego kręgu cywilizacyjnego w ostatnich latach wybuchł kryzys zaufania do demokracji liberalnej oraz w jaki sposób można go pokonać. Zdaniem autora, głównym powodem tego kryzysu jest bardzo instrumentalny stosunek dużej części obywateli tych państw do tej formy rządów. Darzą ją oni akceptacją i zaufaniem tylko do momentu, do którego zapewnia im dobrobyt i poczucie bezpieczeństwa, co obecnie – w ich przekonaniu – nie ma miejsca. Dlatego też, chcąc zmienić ten negatywny stan rzeczy, należy sprawić, by ponownie – w ramach demokracji liberalnej – ich potrzeby i aspiracje zaspokajane były na akceptowalnym przez nich poziomie. W tym celu konieczne jest spełnienie szeregu warunków, do których należy m.in.: przywrócenie zaufania obywateli do organów władzy oraz procedur wyborczych, podjęcie energicznych działań przeciwko rosnącym nierównościom społecznym, wzmożenie przez państwa działań na rzecz skutecznego zwalczania międzynarodowego terroryzmu – aczkolwiek z poszanowaniem liberalnych i demokratycznych wartości oraz wolności i praw człowieka – oraz rzeczywistej integracji przybyszy z innych kręgów cywilizacyjnych, przede wszystkim ze świata islamu. Jednocześnie politycy oraz przedstawiciele świata mediów powinni powrócić do dyskursu opartego na wartościach, na których zbudowane zostały ustroje państw europejskich należących do zachodniego kręgu cywilizacyjnego. ; This article is an attempt to answer the question, why there has been a recent crisis of trust to the liberal democracy in European states belonging to the Western circle of civilisation and how it could be overcome. According to the opinion of the author, the main reason for that crisis is an instrumental approach of a large part of citizens of those countries towards this form of government. They accept and trust it only as long as it provides them with prosperity and a sense of security, which is currently – up to them – not working properly. That is why, in order to change that situation, fulfilling their needs and aspiration on acceptable level must be again possible within the framework of this form of government. In order to achieve this goal a number of conditions must be met, including, restoring trust of citizens in the government and faith in the electoral process, taking vigorous actions to counteract rising social inequalities, increasing measures to successfully combat and suppress international terrorism by various countries – although with respect to liberal and democratic values as well as human rights and freedoms – and a real integration of immigrants from other civilisation circles, first of all, Muslims. At the same time, politicians and the media are supposed to return to the discourse based on the values upon which political systems of European states belonging to the Western circle of civilisation were founded.

The aim ot the article is to analyze the barriers that hinder the development of active civic attitudes in Poland. The author reflects on three areas, corresponding to her research hypotheses. The first area concerns trust, which has remained at similarly low levels in Poland for years. The author argues that behavior and attitudes implied by a higher level of trust can successfully regulate cooperation among people, which may replace legal provisions in many fields.The second barrier is an area of religiousness, specific to Poland, which catalyzes citizens' activity. The third area of analysis pertains to the quality of political discourse in Poland, which becomes more and more suffused with agression with the aim of attracting attention of potential constituents rather than substantive discussion.

The aim of the article is to reconstruct the theoretical foundations of the local government, reestablished in 1990, taking into account the state and political theories, whose standards have been established with regard to the local government during the interwar period, as well as the concept of the civil society, built upon the foundation of the civil movements of the 1980s that aimed at democratizing the authoritarian regimes of Central and Eastern Europe. The idea of the civil society, which reemerged after two centuries, not only inspired a nation-wide political protest movement and democratic modernization of the state, but also became one of the cornerstones of the conception of the local government, as cooperation with the local organizations, considered to be the most important agents of the third sector, has been inscribed directly into the local government statutes.