Turnout
In: Parliamentary affairs: a journal of representative politics, Band 54, Heft 4, S. 775-788
ISSN: 0031-2290
In: Parliamentary affairs: a journal of representative politics, Band 54, Heft 4, S. 775-788
ISSN: 0031-2290
World Affairs Online
In: Parliamentary affairs: a journal of representative politics, Band 50, Heft 4: Britain votes 1997, S. 720-732
ISSN: 0031-2290
World Affairs Online
In: Parliamentary affairs: a journal of comparative politics, Band 50, Heft 4, S. 720-732
ISSN: 1460-2482
In: Political studies: the journal of the Political Studies Association of the United Kingdom, S. 003232172211480
ISSN: 1467-9248
One strategy in defence of compulsory voting is based on what I call the non-instrumental value of high turnout: the idea that almost-universal participation in elections is valuable per se. This article argues that we do not have democratic reasons to value compelled turnout. First, thanks to an original analysis of the practice of voting, I identify three constitutive rules that make the physical acts of marking and casting a ballot count as proper voting. This preliminary analysis serves to illuminate the fact that the act of voting has democratic value if it is performed in a free and reason-responsive way. Second, I identify political equality and popular control as democratic values that high turnout expresses. Finally, the article rejects the non-instrumental case for compulsory voting because it cannot ensure that people vote in a reason-responsive way and, if they do not, high turnout lacks democratic value.
In: Electoral studies: an international journal on voting and electoral systems and strategy, Band 86, S. 102681
ISSN: 1873-6890
This paper proposes a model of turnout in which citizens have a preference for conformism, which adds to the instrumental preference for the electoral outcome. Under this environment multiple equilibria arise, some that generate a (more realistic) high level of turnout, for a wide rage of parameter values. It is also shown that high levels of turnout are robust to the introduction of asymmetry and heterogeneity in the parameter governing the preference for conformism and with respect to the reference group for conformism. This model suggests that high turnout can only be achieved as the outcome of a particular coordination among citizens and, therefore, introduces a different perspective in understanding the citizens' decision to vote, which allows also to account for large shifts in turnout rates that are observed after compulsory laws have been introduced or abolished. Moreover, this set up proposes a theory for the D term used in rational theories of voting to account for high turnout rates.
BASE
In: Political analysis: PA ; the official journal of the Society for Political Methodology and the Political Methodology Section of the American Political Science Association, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 45-57
ISSN: 1476-4989
This article develops a model that simultaneously considers individual turnout and vote choice while also accounting for uncertainty about candidates. The theoretical development of this model implies that the effects of uncertainty on turnout vary with the strength of individual preferences. Application of the model to individual choice in the 1996 American presidential election confirms that decreasing uncertainty about the character traits of the candidates decreases the probability of abstention for individuals with strong preferences but increases the probability of abstention for individuals with weak preferences.
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 67, Heft 2, S. 515-535
ISSN: 0022-3816
In: Political behavior, Band 33, Heft 4, S. 535-563
ISSN: 1573-6687
It is conventional to speak of voting as "habitual." But what does this mean? In psychology, habits are cognitive associations between repeated responses and stable features of the performance context. Thus, "turnout habit" is best measured by an index of repeated behavior and a consistent performance setting. Once habit associations form, the response can be cued even in the absence of supporting beliefs and motivations. Therefore, variables that form part of the standard cognitive-based accounts of turnout should be more weakly related to turnout among those with a strong habit. We draw evidence from a large array of ANES surveys to test these hypotheses and find strong support. Adapted from the source document.
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 68, Heft 3, S. 674-683
ISSN: 0022-3816
In: American political science review, Band 74, Heft 2
ISSN: 0003-0554
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 71, Heft 2, S. 457-472
ISSN: 1468-2508
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 68, Heft 3, S. 674-683
ISSN: 1468-2508
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 67, Heft 2, S. 515-535
ISSN: 1468-2508
In: Policy studies review: PSR, Band 9, Heft Spring 90
ISSN: 0278-4416
Electoral districting and the vote share needed for election are analysed in terms of structural features. Challenges to the majority vote requirement and electoral formats are based on claims arising under the 1982 Voting Rights Act that these arrangements dilute the influence of minority voters. Examines turnout and its racial breakdown to determine whether there is a relationship with the challenged mechanisms. (SJK)