In the last two decades, turnout research has disintegrated into a plethora of studies which focus on partial aspects of turnout. The overall idea of why people vote has been lost. Despite extensive research on turnout, we know relatively little about why people vote. The aim of this text is to present and critically discuss basic theories that explain voter turnout at the individual level. Overall, six theories are presented: the theory of socio-economic status and resources, the theory of civic orientations, the theory of mobilization and involvement in society, the theory of rational choice, the theory of valence politics, and the theory of habitual voting. These theories are discussed mainly from three aspects: (1) the causal mechanisms explaining why people vote; (2) the extent to which each theory links the decision to participate in an election with the decision about which party or candidate to vote for, as well as the sequence of these decisions; and (3) the timing of voters' decisions to participate in an election. The author argues that because of the heterogeneity of voters and the nature of the decision whether or not to vote, it is necessary to understand individual theories not as competitive, but rather as complementary. Adapted from the source document.
With the emergence of TV, pre-election campaigns in US shifted its focus from the content & the platform to the image of candidates who became well-packaged products. The biggest election turnout in US occurred exactly at the time of the emergence of this media; however, the percentages of voters' turnout plummeted in the 1990s. Enhanced by the attributes of TV as a media, the focus on "how" rather than on "what" did not achieve absolute results, & voters responded to the invasion of political image producers with voting abstinence. The latest chapter in pre-election campaigning is the Internet. With its properties & the rapid expansion of the users' net, the new media offers different conditions of communication with voters & is becoming a powerful -- & so far, insufficiently utilized -- weapon in the hands of pre-election strategists. 8 Tables, 1 Graph, 23 References. Adapted from the source document.
The paper analyses the increasingly acute problem of low voter turnout for the elections for the European Parliament. The author identifies the key determinants of electoral participation, & focuses on how election campaigns affect the electorates' mobilization. By analyzing the results of various polls & by applying Sinnott's model of voter participation to the Slovenian institutional context, the author outlines the key circumstances leading to the disturbingly low voter turnout. The author points out the weaknesses of the institutional preconditions -- in the form of certain awkward electoral institutions, primarily regarding the institutional mobilization marked by half-baked electoral strategies of political parties & the unremarkable & dull campaigns -- that are supposed to increase voter participation. The low level of institutional mobilization has evidently affected the electorate's perceptions of power & trust in political institutions. This is why the institutional incentives for taking a vote have not been sufficient. By way of conclusion the author offers some recommendations concerning how to alter & improve the electoral institutions & the practice of the ED political parties, states & institutions. Tables, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.
Autor analizira promjene izborne participacije i izbornog ponašanja u parlamentarnim izborima 2015. i 2016. u Hrvatskoj, kada su podrška novim strankama i izborna apstinencija dosegnuli najvišu razinu od 1990. Polazi od pretpostavke da birači novih stranaka i izborni apstinenti imaju sličan odnos prema političkom sustavu i elitama, ali da ih razlikuje percepcija vlastite mogućnosti utjecaja na politiku. Istodobno, birači novih i starih stranka slični su prema percepciji vlastitih mogućnosti utjecaja na politiku, ali se razlikuju odnosom prema prevladavajućima političkim rascjepima, političkom sustavu i političkim elitama. Autor testira te pretpostavke koristeći rezultate anketnih istraživanja koja su provedena neposredno nakon izbora 2015. i 2016. Rezultati analize potvrđuju očekivanja o razlikama među biračima starih i novih stranaka te izbornih apstinenata. ; The author analyses changes in electoral behaviour and electoral participation which took place in the 2015. and 2016. parliamentary elections in Croatia. In these elections both support for new parties and electoral abstention simultaneously reached their highest level so far. The author starts from the assumption that electorates of new parties and abstainers are very similar in their evaluations of political system and political elites' performance, but that they differ in perception of their ability to influence politics through electoral participation. At the same time, voters of old and new parties are similar with respect to perception of their ability to influence politics, but they differ in their identification with predominant ideological cleavages, and their attitudes toward political system and political elites. The author tests these propositions using data from electoral surveys conducted after the 2015. and 2016. elections. Results of the analysis support principal expectations of the paper about differences between voters of old and new parties and electoral abstainers.
Autor analizira simptome krize demokracije u Europi koncentrirajući se na tri skupine simptoma: u prvom redu na simptome krize u tranzicijskim zemljama koje su ušle u članstvo Europske unije u okviru petog proširenja; jedan je od glavnih indikatora te krize slab odaziv glasača iz tranzicijskih zemalja na izbore za Europski parlament godinu dana nakon ulaska u članstvo EU-a. Razlog tog podbačaja autor vidi u razočaranosti demokracijom i tranzicijom te u formalnom udovoljenju kopenhaškim kriterijima, uslijed čega su odmah nakon ulaska u EU nove zemlje članice svoju zadaću demokratizacije smatrale dovršenom.Drugi je simptom krize negativan ishod referenduma za ratifi kaciju ugovora kojim se uspostavlja Ustav za Europu u Francuskoj i Nizozemskoj, što je pokrenulo lančanu reakciju odbacivanja osnovnih instrumenata demokratizacije EU-a koje su zemlje članice prethodno prihvatile i s kojima su se u potpunosti suglasile. Treći element krize demokracije jest demokratski defi cit u EU-u i različito viđenje načina kako da se on prevlada, jačanjem federalističkih elemenata EU-a ili interguvernmentalnih procedura. Na kraju se konstatira da u suvremenoj Europi postoje tri modela demokracije, po uzoru na Siedentopovu klasifi kaciju modela privlačnosti demokracije, i da je kriza demokracije u Europi potencijalno opasna za daljnji razvoj europskih društava jer se pobjedom nad komunizmom nije ostvario očekivani trijumf demokracije, nego je demokracija u Europi izložena nasrtajima raznih oblika političke patologije, uz deziluziju i neispunjena očekivanja. ; In this article the symptoms of the crises of democracy are analyzed. The author concentrates on three sets of symptoms: fi rst, on the symptoms emerged in transition, post-communist countries that joined the EU within the Fifth enlargement. One of the main indicators of such crises is the low turnout in the European Parliament elections in 2004, only one month after their joining the EU. The reasons for such a bad turnout are the disappointment in democracy and in transition, ...
The article takes a comparative perspective to review the background to campaign for & result of the Slovenian ED-accession referendum. The authors describe the ED's accession referendum campaign in Slovenia as a 'cat-&-mouse game' since the 'yes' campaign was outstandingly well organized & synchronized in stark contrast to the 'no' campaign which was poorly organized & came across as the representative of a narrow set of interests. Irrespective of this, the large victory (almost 90 percent) of the 'yes' camp was unexpected as was the relatively low turnout (60,4 percent). Two of the most important reasons for this high support shown at the ED accession referendum can be traced to a broad consensus among political, social & economic elites & the reorientation of the most exposed & well-known anti-ED actors towards the NATO accession referendum that was held simultaneously. Thereby, the article also partially examines the Slovenian NATO-accession referendum but only to the extent that it influenced the campaign & result of the ED referendum. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
The article takes a comparative perspective to review the background to campaign for & result of the Slovenian ED-accession referendum. The authors describe the ED's accession referendum campaign in Slovenia as a 'cat-&-mouse game' since the 'yes' campaign was outstandingly well organized & synchronized in stark contrast to the 'no' campaign which was poorly organized & came across as the representative of a narrow set of interests. Irrespective of this, the large victory (almost 90 percent) of the 'yes' camp was unexpected as was the relatively low turnout (60,4 percent). Two of the most important reasons for this high support shown at the ED accession referendum can be traced to a broad consensus among political, social & economic elites & the reorientation of the most exposed & well-known anti-ED actors towards the NATO accession referendum that was held simultaneously. Thereby, the article also partially examines the Slovenian NATO-accession referendum but only to the extent that it influenced the campaign & result of the ED referendum. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
The authors analyze the constitutional position of the Polish parliament after the democratic revolution of 1989, as well as its internal political dynamics. The parliament has two houses, endowed with different constitutional competences: Sejm (lower House) & Senate (upper House). The 460 members of the Sejm were elected in three electoral cycles (1989, 1991, & 1993) by means of majority & a proportional electoral system with various prohibitive clauses, while the 100 senators were elected by the majority electoral system. The changes in the electoral rules resulted in the altered parliamentary party system. While in the "contractual" Sejim, the seats (in accordance with a political agreement) were divided between the ruling communist bloc & the oppositional "Solidarity," the first freely elected Sejm had an extremely fragmented party structure, with 28 parties, while the second Sejm is moderately pluralist, with two parties of the government coalition & four opposition parties. The most remarkable feature of Polish political culture is an increasing professionalization of the parliament members as well as a growing political apathy of the general public & a meager turnout at the polls. 4 Tables, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.
Regionalizam nastaje kao težnja i otpor periferije prema centru države. Obilježava ga decentralizacija, unikatnost i demokratičnost. U Istri se, tijekom devedesetih godina u procesu nastajanja raznih političkih opcija na razini države, osniva Istarski demokratski sabor. U svojoj programskoj deklaraciji, između ostalog, zalaže se za višestranački sustav, regionalizam, dvojezičnost, decentralizaciju, antifašizam. Na referendumu za samostalnost Hrvatske građani Istre su imali izlaznost veću od 80%, a za samostalnost se opredijelilo oko 90% onih koji su glasovali na razini županije. Nadalje, analizom triju popisa stanovništva (1991., 2001., 2011.) dolazi se do zaključka da broj regionalno opredijeljenih korelira s naputcima Istarskog demokratskog sabora. Na popisu stanovništva iz 1991. godine čak 18,2% stanovništva se izjasnilo kao regionalci, dok se deset godina kasnije samo 4,3% tako izjašnjava. Kad se uzme u obzir i popis iz 2011. godine (ponovo se povećava broj regionalaca na 12,1%) vidi se da se radi o promjenjivoj stavci. U odnosima između vodeće regionalne opcije i vladajuće Hrvatske demokratske zajednice dogodio se niz sukoba i razmjena mišljenja od devedesetih do danas, što zapravo i ne začuđuje, budući da svaka regionalna opcija i postoji upravo iz razloga jer je nezadovoljna centralnom opcijom u svojoj državi. ; Regionalism emerges as the aspiration and resistance of the periphery towards the center of the state. It is characterized by decentralization, uniqueness and democracy. In Istria, during the 1990s, in the process of creating various political options at the state level, the Istrian Democratic Parliament was established. In its program declaration, among other things, it advocates a multi-party system, regionalism, bilingualism, decentralization, anti-fascism. In the referendum for Croatian independence, the citizens of Istria had a turnout of more than 80%, and about 90% of those who voted at the county level opted for independence. Furthermore, the analysis of the three censuses (1991, 2001, ...
Regionalizam nastaje kao težnja i otpor periferije prema centru države. Obilježava ga decentralizacija, unikatnost i demokratičnost. U Istri se, tijekom devedesetih godina u procesu nastajanja raznih političkih opcija na razini države, osniva Istarski demokratski sabor. U svojoj programskoj deklaraciji, između ostalog, zalaže se za višestranački sustav, regionalizam, dvojezičnost, decentralizaciju, antifašizam. Na referendumu za samostalnost Hrvatske građani Istre su imali izlaznost veću od 80%, a za samostalnost se opredijelilo oko 90% onih koji su glasovali na razini županije. Nadalje, analizom triju popisa stanovništva (1991., 2001., 2011.) dolazi se do zaključka da broj regionalno opredijeljenih korelira s naputcima Istarskog demokratskog sabora. Na popisu stanovništva iz 1991. godine čak 18,2% stanovništva se izjasnilo kao regionalci, dok se deset godina kasnije samo 4,3% tako izjašnjava. Kad se uzme u obzir i popis iz 2011. godine (ponovo se povećava broj regionalaca na 12,1%) vidi se da se radi o promjenjivoj stavci. U odnosima između vodeće regionalne opcije i vladajuće Hrvatske demokratske zajednice dogodio se niz sukoba i razmjena mišljenja od devedesetih do danas, što zapravo i ne začuđuje, budući da svaka regionalna opcija i postoji upravo iz razloga jer je nezadovoljna centralnom opcijom u svojoj državi. ; Regionalism emerges as the aspiration and resistance of the periphery towards the center of the state. It is characterized by decentralization, uniqueness and democracy. In Istria, during the 1990s, in the process of creating various political options at the state level, the Istrian Democratic Parliament was established. In its program declaration, among other things, it advocates a multi-party system, regionalism, bilingualism, decentralization, anti-fascism. In the referendum for Croatian independence, the citizens of Istria had a turnout of more than 80%, and about 90% of those who voted at the county level opted for independence. Furthermore, the analysis of the three censuses (1991, 2001, ...
e-Glasovanje u radu je definirano prema Oostveen i Besselaar (2004:61) koji definiraju internet glasovanje (ili elektroničko glasovanje, online glasovanje) kao "način glasovanja koji koristi enkripciju kako bi omogućio glasaču sigurno i tajno glasovanje putem interneta". Ovaj oblik glasovanja prije svega je praktičan zbog toga što omogućuje glasovanje bez odlaska na tradicionalno biralište, a obzirom da se odvija putem interneta, neki autori predviđaju mogućnost veće izlaznosti i političke participacije mladih kao dobne skupine koja se svakodnevno koristi računalnom tehnologijom i internetom (Mellon et al., 2016) i pokazuje relativno nisku razinu izlaznosti na političke izbore (Allan et al., 2012; Dictson i Ray, 2000 prema Besselaar i Oostveen, 2004). Cilj rada je na uzorku od 133 ispitanika u dobi od 18-25 godina kvantitativno tj. putem online ankete i koristeći teorijsku podlogu Modela prihvaćanja novih tehnologija, Teorije difuzije inovacija, Ujedinjene teorije prihvaćanja i korištenja tehnologija te nekih modela povjerenja i sigurnosti ispitati faktore koji utječu na namjeru korištenja sustava e-glasovanja. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da su faktori koji utječu na namjeru korištenja sustava e-glasovanja povjerenje u vladu i internet, točnost, povjerljivost, vjerojatnost napada na sustav, percipirana korisnost i očekivana učinkovitost. Nalazi o mogućnosti veće participacije mladih u slučaju uvođenja e-glasovanja nisu statistički značajni. ; e-Voting (or electronic voting, online voting) is defined by Oostveen and Besselaar (2004: 61) as a "voting manner that uses encryption to enable the voter to securely and secretly vote via the internet." This form of voting is first and foremost practical because it allows voting without going to the traditional polling station, and considering that it is obtained via the internet, some authors anticipate the possibility of greater turnout and political participation of young people as an age group which uses computer technology and the internet on a daily basis ...
U radu se traži odgovor na pitanje kad je izborna kampanja dobra u etičkom smislu i kad je dobra u smislu uspješnosti rezultata koje je ostvarila. Istražuju se mogući kriteriji prosudbe te nalazi da izborna kampanja može biti dobra u etičkom smislu ako se vodi načelom istine i nastoji potaknuti dobar odaziv birača na izbore te da može biti dobra u smislu uspješnosti ako uz umjerene troškove donese rast rejtinga u anketama i veći broj glasova nego na prijašnjim izborima. Primijenivši navedene kriterije na kampanje političkih stranaka u hrvatskim izborima za Europski parlament 2019. spoznaje se da kampanja većine stranaka u etičkom smislu nije bila dobra, a u smislu uspješnosti ističu se samo dvije i to uoči izbora nastale stranke. ; The paper seeks to answer the question: when is an election campaign a good campaign in terms of campaign ethics, and when is it good in terms of achieving successful results? Some possible evaluation criteria are explored. It was found that an election campaign can be ethical if guided by the principle of truth, and if it seeks to encourage a good voter turnout. Furthermore, it can be good in terms of successfulness if it raises poll ratings and receives more votes at a moderate cost in comparison to previous elections. In applying the above criteria to the campaigns of political parties in the Croatian elections for the European Parliament in 2019, we have seen that the campaign of most parties was not good from an ethical standpoint; furthermore, in terms of successfulness, only two parties stood out, and these were founded before the election. With a few exceptions, most parties in Croatia either did not want or simply did not have the knowledge and ability to organize an election campaign that would motivate and guide undecided voters. In this sense, the campaign did not demonstrate an overall benefit for society. At the same time, only a few parties succeeded in creating a campaign which produced a better result than in previous elections or better ratings in pre–election polls. In this sense, we can say that the campaigns of most parties did not affect voters' preferences, as they seemed to have been established before the campaign began. The parties that achieved the best cost–to–vote ratio were those that made the most effective use of the Internet or that made personal contact with the voters.
The paper seeks to answer the question: when is an election campaign a good campaign in terms of campaign ethics, and when is it good in terms of achieving successful results? Some possible evaluation criteria are explored. It was found that an election campaign can be ethical if guided by the principle of truth, and if it seeks to encourage a good voter turnout. Furthermore, it can be good in terms of successfulness if it raises poll ratings and receives more votes at a moderate cost in comparison to previous elections. In applying the above criteria to the campaigns of political parties in the Croatian elections for the European Parliament in 2019, we have seen that the campaign of most parties was not good from an ethical standpoint; furthermore, in terms of successfulness, only two parties stood out, and these were founded before the election. With a few exceptions, most parties in Croatia either did not want or simply did not have the knowledge and ability to organize an election campaign that would motivate and guide undecided voters. In this sense, the campaign did not demonstrate an overall benefit for society. At the same time, only a few parties succeeded in creating a campaign which produced a better result than in previous elections or better ratings in pre–election polls. In this sense, we can say that the campaigns of most parties did not affect voters' preferences, as they seemed to have been established before the campaign began. The parties that achieved the best cost–to–vote ratio were those that made the most effective use of the Internet or that made personal contact with the voters. ; U radu se traži odgovor na pitanje kad je izborna kampanja dobra u etičkom smislu i kad je dobra u smislu uspješnosti rezultata koje je ostvarila. Istražuju se mogući kriteriji prosudbe te nalazi da izborna kampanja može biti dobra u etičkom smislu ako se vodi načelom istine i nastoji potaknuti dobar odaziv birača na izbore te da može biti dobra u smislu uspješnosti ako uz umjerene troškove donese rast rejtinga u anketama i veći broj glasova nego na prijašnjim izborima. Primijenivši navedene kriterije na kampanje političkih stranaka u hrvatskim izborima za Europski parlament 2019. spoznaje se da kampanja većine stranaka u etičkom smislu nije bila dobra, a u smislu uspješnosti ističu se samo dvije i to uoči izbora nastale stranke.
Politička apatija je generalna nezainteresiranost i ravnodušnost građana prema politici, niska razina sudjelovanja u političkim aktivnostima i slab odaziv na izbore. Istraživanje provedeno na području pet slavonskih županija u Republici Hrvatskoj pokazalo je nisku razinu sudjelovanja u konvencionalnim i nekonvencionalnim političkim aktivnostima odnosno visoku razinu političke apatije. Istraživanje je provedeno 2017. godine, metodom osobnog ispitivanja na uzorku od ukupno 662 ispitanika. Rezultati analize razlika (ANOVA-e i T-testa) pokazali su kako veću tendenciju sudjelovanja u konvencionalnim i nekonvencionalnim političkim aktivnostima imaju muškarci te ispitanici s iznadprosječnim primanjima, a u slučaju nekonvencionalnih političkih aktivnosti veću tendenciju sudjelovanja iskazali su i više obrazovani ispitanici u odnosu na niže obrazovane. Provedenom klasteranalizom opisani su pojedini segmenti birača prema razini njihovog sudjelovanja u političkim aktivnostima, a rezultati su ukazali kako više od polovice ispitanika (51,2 %) pripada segmentu apatičnih građana. Ovaj segment najvećim dijelom čine žene i ispitanici s ispodprosječnim prihodima, a odlikuju ih visoke stope političkog cinizma, izrazito niske stope interesa za politiku i percipiranog znanja o politici. Rezultati ovog istraživanja doprinose teoriji i praksi političkog marketinga u Republici Hrvatskoj jer utvrđivanjem razine političke apatije te karakteristika određenih ciljnih skupina, političke stranke mogu odrediti smjer i načine djelovanja na određenu ciljnu skupinu u cilju povećanja broja svojih birača, ali i smanjenja političke apatije kao društvenog problema. Najveće ograničenje istraživanja odnosi se na nereprezentativan uzorak s obzirom na to da je istraživanje provedeno u samo jednoj regiji Republike Hrvatske. Za dobivanje cjelovite slike i utvrđivanje eventualnih regionalnih razlika istraživanje bi trebalo provesti na području cijele Republike Hrvatske. Buduća bi se istraživanja također trebala fokusirati na detaljnu analizu utjecajnih čimbenika političke apatije. Testiranjem jačine i smjera pojedinih utjecajnih čimbenika na političku apatiju dobila bi se korisna saznanja kako na te čimbenike djelovati s ciljem reduciranja političke apatije. ; Political apathy represents the general disinterest and indifference of citizens towards politics, low levels of participation in political activities, and low turnout. The research conducted in the five Slavonian counties in the Republic of Croatia showed a low level of participation in conventional and unconventional political activities, i.e. a high level of political apathy. The research was conducted in 2017, using an in-person survey method on a sample of 662 respondents. The results of the analysis of differences (ANOVA and T-test) showed that men and respondents with above-average income have a greater tendency to participate in both conventional and unconventional political activities. When it comes to unconventional political activities, a higher tendency to participate was expressed by higher educated respondents as opposed to lower educated citizens. Cluster analysis has described some segments of the voters according to their degree of involvement in political activity, and the results indicated that more than half of the respondents (51.2%) belong to the segment of apathetic citizens. This segment mainly consists of women and respondents with under average income, characterized by high rates of political cynicism, low levels of interest in politics and perceived knowledge of politics. The results of this research contribute to the theory and practice of political marketing in the Republic of Croatia. By determining the level of political apathy and the characteristics of specific target groups, political parties can determine the direction and ways of acting on a particular target group in order to increase the number of voters and to reduce political apathy as a social problem. The most significant limitation of the research is the non-representative sample given that the survey was conducted in only one region of the Republic of Croatia. To obtain a complete picture and to identify possible regional differences, research should be carried out throughout the Republic of Croatia. Future research should also focus on a detailed analysis of influential factors of political apathy. By testing the strength and direction of some influential factors on political apathy, it would be useful to know how to influence those factors in order to reduce political apathy.
U članku su prezentirani rezultati istraživanja o sudionicima savjetovanja s javnošću (e-savjetovanja) o propisima i planskim dokumentima kojima se uređuju organizacija i obavljanje javne arhivske službe u Hrvatskoj. Podatci su prikupljeni metodom kvantitativne analize sadržaja pojedinačnih izvješća o provedenim savjetovanjima od 2017. do 2020. godine dostupnih na središnjem mrežnom portalu e-Savjetovanja i popratnih dokumenata. Nakon uvoda slijedi teorijski dio, u kojem je ukratko opisan normativni okvir provedbe e-savjetovanja u Hrvatskoj, arhivski propisi i planski dokument, o kojima je provedeno e-savjetovanje te metodologija istraživanja. Potom su prezentirani rezultati istraživanja te se o njima raspravlja. Prezentirani podatci o broju i strukturi sudionika (fizičke osobe, razne kategorije pravnih osoba) te broju komentara koje upućuju (ukupno i po pojedinom e-savjetovanju) interpretirani su kao važan pokazatelj zainteresiranosti društvene okoline za javnu arhivsku službu, odnosno rad državnih arhiva kojima je njezino obavljanje povjereno. S druge strane, sudjelovanje u e-savjetovanjima pojedinih strukovnih arhivističkih društava, državnih arhiva i njihovih administrativnih i stručnih djelatnika interpretirano je kao pokazatelj zainteresiranosti za jačanje normativne infrastrukture vlastite službe. ; Counsellings with the public are in the Croatian context a relatively new instrument of public participation in legislating regulations and other general acts whose characteristics and effects have not been scientifically researched in practice to a greater extent. The aim of the paper is to contribute to these perceptions by the elaboration of a subject i.e. analysing the participants of e-counsellings on regulations and planning documents that concern organizing and performance of the public archival service in Croatia. The subject is suited for a complete elaboration, since in the period from 2017 to 2020 the competent Ministry of Culture (renamed in July 2020 Ministry of Culture and Media) had carried out counsellings via the central internet portal on 8 such legal acts (two laws, five ordinances and one planning document). Apart from the new ordinance on evidences that has yet to be regulated, this constitutes a comprehensive normative and planning framework of the public archival service coordinated with changes in the surroundings where public archives work. The data had been gathered by the method of quantitative analysing of the content of individual reports on conducted counsellings available on e-Counselling portal, as well as additional documents. The Data on the number and structure of participants (natural persons, various categories of corporations) and amount of comments they sent (in total and for each e-counselling) are interpreted as an important indicator of the public interest for the public archival service i.e. the work of the state archives who are intrusted with performing it. On the other hand, the participation of individual professional archival societies, state archives and their administrative and professional employees on e-counsellings is interpreted as the indicator of interest for strengthening of normative infrastructure pertaining to their own service. The total of 412 comments was sent to the analysed e-counsellings, submitted by 56 participants. Since individual procedure of e-counselling is conducted for each legal act, the same natural person or corporation can appear as a participant in several counsellings. Therefore, in the total number of 56 participants individual natural persons or corporations were counted more than once, depending on the number of e-counsellings they participated in. Further analysis established that 40 different natural persons and coorporations participated in e-counsellings. The largest number of participants, as far as 30 or 75 %, participated in just one e-counselling. Six participants took part in two counsellings (15 %), whereas three counsellings had three participants (7.5 %). Four counsellings had no participants, whereas only one person (2.5 %) took part in five of them, which is also the largest number of noted participations by the same participant. Research results further show that from the total of 40 various participants of e-councellings 30 of them are natural persons and only 10 corporations. In the process, the natural persons had 43 and the corporations 13 participations. The same number of persons from the professional archival community (administrative and professional employees in archives, state archives and professional archival associations) and persons from social environment i.e. interested public in the broad sense participated in e-counsellings. The former comprises of 21 participants and the latter has 19 of them. The biggest difference between the two groups concerns the number of participations. The professional archival community had 35, whereas other interested public 21 participations. The presented results indicate a rather low level of interest of the general public, as well as the professional archival community, for the normative infrastructure of the public archival service. This conclusion is supported by the comparison of the number of participants from both groups with other relevant data, such as the number of creators of documental and archival records under the jurisdiction of state archives i.e. the number of employees in state archives. The authorised ministry and state archives should use this as the basis for re-examination of the current approach in implementing e-counsellings i.e. encourage them to further motivate the professional community and the general public to participate in this segment of their work. The lower turnout can certainly be put into context of influences of the e-counsellings that had so far taken place, regarding the formation of the final proposals of legal acts in terms of the level of acceptance of the sent suggestions (comments). Analysis of this segment, including the content and types of comments (without arguments, with arguments, technical, professional etc.), is only pointed out in this paper as a subject that warrants separate research.
