Suchergebnisse

En este artículo se examina críticamente el saber convencional sobre la relación positiva entre la participación electoral y los resultados electorales del PSOE en las elecciones generales en España. Subrayamos la existencia de tres mecanismos causales en juego, que dan lugar a predicciones distintas sobre esta correlación y que impiden, por lo tanto, sostener una tesis tan parsimoniosa como la existente. Algunos de nuestros argumentos se comprueban empíricamente con datos agregados en el nivel de distrito de las diez elecciones generales que se han celebrado hasta el momento. ; This paper critically reviews the conventional wisdom on the positive relationship between turnout and the electoral results of the PSOE in general elections in Spain. We highlight the existence of three causal mechanisms that give rise to different predictions about this correlation and therefore undermine the existing parsimonious thesis. Some of our arguments are empirically tested with aggregate district-level data corresponding to the ten general elections held to date. ; La ayuda financiera del Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación (SEJ 2006-10073 CPOL) y de la Comunidad de Madrid y Universidad Autónoma de Madrid (CCG 08-UAM/HUM-4446), y las excelentes facilidades para la investigación proporcionadas por la Biblioteca del Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales, del Instituto Juan March.

A field of academic-disciplinary study is defined by the problems and subjects it deals with, the main theories regarded as reliable and scientific, and the methodologies used. In political science, compared politics is one of the areas with the most significant methodological (how to draw a comparison) and substantial (what to compare) developments. This article introduces a consideration on compared politics in Colombia, searching for answers to the following questions: has the Colombian academy incorporated compared politics to teaching and research? And, if so, in which way? The article focuses on the explicitly comparative approaches placing teaching and academic production as elements of reflection. An analysis of curricula regarding courses with comparative denominations is undertaken. From the generation of knowledge based on the compared methodology, articles published in magazines specialized in Colombian political matters are analyzed. On the basis of these considerations, a balance and assessment of teaching and specialized works is accomplished. ; Un campo de estudio académico-disciplinar está definido por los problemas y temas que trabaja, las principales teorías consideradas como confiables y científicas y las metodologías utilizadas en el mismo. Dentro de la ciencia política, la política comparada constituye una de las áreas con desarrollos más significativos tanto en lo metodológico (¿cómo comparar?), como en lo sustantivo (¿qué comparar?). El artículo presenta una reflexión sobre el conocimiento desarrollado en torno de la política comparada en Colombia buscando responder a las preguntas: ¿ha incorporado la académica colombiana la política comparada a la docencia y a la investigación? y, si es así ¿de qué manera ha sido incorporada? Se centra en las aproximaciones explícitamente comparativas y tendrá como elementos de reflexión la enseñanza y la producción académica. De la enseñanza se aborda un análisis de los currículos con respecto a cursos con denominaciones de comparación. De la producción de conocimiento basado en la metodología comparada se analizan los artículos publicados en revistas especializadas en lo político en Colombia. A partir de estas reflexiones se realiza un balance y una evaluación de la enseñanza y de los trabajos especializados realizados.

A field of academic-disciplinary study is defined by the problems and subjects it deals with, the main theories regarded as reliable and scientific, and the methodologies used. In political science, compared politics is one of the areas with the most significant methodological (how to draw a comparison) and substantial (what to compare) developments. This article introduces a consideration on compared politics in Colombia, searching for answers to the following questions: has the Colombian academy incorporated compared politics to teaching and research? And, if so, in which way? The article focuses on the explicitly comparative approaches placing teaching and academic production as elements of reflection. An analysis of curricula regarding courses with comparative denominations is undertaken. From the generation of knowledge based on the compared methodology, articles published in magazines specialized in Colombian political matters are analyzed. On the basis of these considerations, a balance and assessment of teaching and specialized works is accomplished. ; Un campo de estudio académico-disciplinar está definido por los problemas y temas que trabaja, las principales teorías consideradas como confiables y científicas y las metodologías utilizadas en el mismo. Dentro de la ciencia política, la política comparada constituye una de las áreas con desarrollos más significativos tanto en lo metodológico (¿cómo comparar?), como en lo sustantivo (¿qué comparar?). El artículo presenta una reflexión sobre el conocimiento desarrollado en torno de la política comparada en Colombia buscando responder a las preguntas: ¿ha incorporado la académica colombiana la política comparada a la docencia y a la investigación? y, si es así ¿de qué manera ha sido incorporada? Se centra en las aproximaciones explícitamente comparativas y tendrá como elementos de reflexión la enseñanza y la producción académica. De la enseñanza se aborda un análisis de los currículos con respecto a cursos con denominaciones de comparación. De la producción de conocimiento basado en la metodología comparada se analizan los artículos publicados en revistas especializadas en lo político en Colombia. A partir de estas reflexiones se realiza un balance y una evaluación de la enseñanza y de los trabajos especializados realizados.

Este texto es una invitación a la reflexión sobre la participación política, específicamente sobre una de sus manifestaciones: la participación electoral. La aproximación a este fenómeno, que cada día es más común como instrumento de legitimación de las democracias, reales y formales, se ha querido hacer en un nivel teórico-conceptual con el objetivo de ahondar en las discusiones que se presentan frente al concepto, para poder entenderlo de una mejor manera y, de esta forma, avanzar hacia análisis más coherentes y profundos del mismo. ; The present text is an invitation to think about political participation, but specifically to one of its manifestation: electoral participation. The study to this phenomenon, that every day is more common to legitimate the democracies, real and formal ones, has been made in a theoretical and conceptual level, looking to explain all the conceptual discussions that exist about this concept, with the final objective to understand it, as well as possible, and to be able to make a more coherent and profound analysis.

El presente artículo presenta un balance de los estudios que analizan la participación electoral, agrupando las dimensiones bajo las cuales se ha estudiado el tema y las evidencias empíricas que las sustentan. El trabajo parte de una comprensión abarcadora que permite evidenciar la complejidad del objeto de estudio, por lo que se enfoca en dar cuenta de la interacción entre las diferentes variables y en exponer los mecanismos explicativos que subyacen a ellas. Esto implica un distanciamiento de análisis convencionales que se concentran en la capacidad predictiva y en la significancia estadística de las variables. Así, se demuestra que no es suficiente abordar la pregunta del comportamiento del elector desde un conjunto de factores separados y se destaca la importancia de la confluencia entre las microvariables y macrovariables a la hora de entender la concurrencia a las urnas. ; This article presents a balance of the studies that analyze the electoral participation, grouping the dimensions under which the subject has been studied and the empirical evidences that sustain them. The work is based on a comprehensive understanding of the object of study that allows to show its complexity. The study focuses on accounting for the interaction between the different variables and on revealing their explanatory mechanisms. This implies a separation from conventional analyzes that focus on the predictive capacity and the statistical significance of the variables. Thus, the article concludes that it is not enough to address electoral behavior from a set of separate factors, and highlights the importance of the confluence between the micro and macro variables when it comes to understanding the turnout of voters.

Introducción. Esta investigación pretende explorar la relación entre la abstención electoral y las nuevas formas de participación de los jóvenes chilenos y españoles, así como la percepción acerca de la política y las formas de participación en la misma más relevantes para ellos. Metodología. Para ello se realiza un análisis comparado entre Chile y España, encuestando a una muestra de 928 universitarios entre 18 y 24 años. Resultados. Los datos muestran cierta desconfianza con el actual sistema democrático. Asimismo, mientras la participación electoral disminuye en ambos países, crecen otras actividades no convencionales –offline y online–. Conclusiones. En definitiva, los jóvenes solicitan una mayor participación en los asuntos políticos. Igualmente, aunque muchos utilizan las redes sociales como canales para informarse de la actividad de los políticos, este uso sigue siendo menor comparado con el seguimiento que se hace de otros personajes públicos ; Introduction. The objective of this research is to explore the relationship between the voter turnout and the new forms of participation of young Chileans and Spaniards, as well their perception about politics and the forms of participation which seem most relevant to them. Methodology. In order to do this, a comparative analysis between the two countries, with a sample of 928 university students between the ages of 18 and 24 is realized. Results. The data showed some distrust of the current democratic system. Additionally, while voter turnout decreases in Chile and Spain, other unconventional –offline and online– political activities increase. Conclusions. Definitively, young people are seeking greater participation as citizens in political affairs. Likewise, although many students use social networks as channels to keep abreast of the activities of politicians, this use is still low compared to that of other public figures.

Why is turnout higher in some countries &/or in some elections than in others? Why does it increase or decrease over time? To address these questions, I start with the pioneer studies of Powell & Jackman & then review more recent research. This essay seeks to establish which propositions about the causes of variations in turnout are consistently supported by empirical evidence & which ones remain ambiguous. I point out some enigmas & gaps in the field & suggest directions for future research. Most of the research pertains to established democracies, but analyses of nonestablished democracies are also included here. References. Adapted from the source document.

Meanwhile too much attention is focused in economic voting, a previous question has been hardly addressed: how the economy affects turnout rates. Does economic adversity raise the level of turnout? Or contrary: Do macroeconomic drops demobilize voters? In this paper I analyses the relationship between some macroeconomic variables & levels of turnout in Latina America between 1980 & 2000. I do it through the study of aggregated variables. Results challenge the main findings of the literature for developing countries: hard times are not related with higher turnout, though unemployment seems to have a particular relationship. In addition, the data shows political demobilization as a by product of voters disaffection. Such findings involve critical implications for accountability issues, democratic representation, & the electoral strategies of political parties. Tables, Figures, Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

The 2003 mid-term federal elections in Mexico reveal that municipalities whose populations score higher on educational attainment also exhibit lower voter turnout rates, thus contradicting an empirical regularity found in Mexico and in democracies, more generally. This article uses data from the 2000 and 2003 Latinobarometro surveys and panel data from the 2001-2003 National Survey of Political Culture and Citizen Practices (ENCUP) to explore the individual determinants of this aggregate finding. It argues that this municipal-level result is a product of the fact that more highly educated citizens reduced their levels of trust in political institutions. This study shows that declining levels of trust were themselves a result of a drop in citizen assessments of institutional performance, where performance is operationalized as citizen evaluations of the political class and of the results of its actions. Adapted from the source document.

This article applies framing effects theories to the study of voter participation. It more specifically points to cultural frame as the critical variable in accounting for voter turnout in Catalonia -- over other variables such as age, income or education. Based on our results, the article revisits & reconsiders the so-called "differential" abstention hypotheses (that so many scholars have used to explain lower turnouts in local & regional elections than in the Spanish legislatives ones). Bayesian inference & a multilevel model are used to build up the statistical model. Adapted from the source document.

The development of the pattern of territorial organization established in the Spanish Constitution of 1978 creates non-statewide institutions with legislative powers, and regional elections are held in order to choose non-national deputies. Turnout in these contests is usually lower than the one registered in the national congressional elections. The paper argues that some special groups of voters are particularly prone to vote in national but not in regional elections. This phenomenon, that is called differential turnout, is studied in the 2005 Basque Country and 2006 Catalonia regional elections. Econometric models show a relationship between voters' judgements on the performance of the regional incumbent and the quality of non-national candidates, on one side, and the propensity of differential turnout, on the other. Adapted from the source document.

This article applies framing effects theories to the study of voter participation. It more specifically points to cultural frame as the critical variable in accounting for voter turnout in Catalonia -- over other variables such as age, income or education. Based on our results, the article revisits and reconsiders the so-called "differential" abstention hypotheses (that so many scholars have used to explain lower turnouts in local and regional elections than in the Spanish legislatives ones). Bayesian inference and a multilevel model are used to build up the statistical model. Adapted from the source document.