Until the first half of the 19th century, two major contending families were predominant in political theory, namely republicanism and liberalism. The early 19th century unambiguously resolved this theoretical contestation in favor of liberalism. In the last two centuries, liberalism has been the leading political theory. The paper analyzes the revival of republican political theory within the framework of the "historical school" and puts forward the theoretical views of Quentin Skinner and John Pocock. Adapted from the source document.
Koncem 17. i početkom 18. stoljeća dolazi do velikih promjena u skoro svim europskim državama. One su se odrazile na daljnji razvoj viteških vladarskih redova i uvjetovale nastanak redova za vojne zasluge. U Francuskoj, Rusiji, Prusiji i Austriji uspostavljene su apsolutističke monarhije, zasnovane na novoj koncepciji vlasti. Radi ostvarenja svojih političkih ciljeva zaštite i obrane države, odnosno osvajanja tuđeg teritorija, kao i kontinuiteta svoje vlasti, europski apsolutistički vladari organiziraju stalne oružane snage: stajaće najamničke vojske, spremne na brzu intervenciju. Zapovijedanje stajaćom plaćeničkom vojskom prelazi u ruke vladara, koji više nije zavisan o volji i ambicijama svojih vazala. Tako je postignut glavni preduvjet za ostvarenje djelotvorne političke moći. Apsolutistički vladari 17. i 18. stoljeća tražili su načine kako da privežu uza se vojsku i mirno produže svoju vlast. Dodjeljujući vojnim zapovjednicima plemićke titule, novčane nagrade i ordene, a vojnicima novčane nagrade i medalje, zadobili su vlast nad vojskom, a samim tim i nad državom. Vojsku treba stalno stimulirati, ne samo kad dobiva bitke, nego i kad ih gubi, jer se iscrpljena i malodušna vojska može okrenuti protiv svoga gospodara. Jedan od načina stimuliranja vojske jest nagrađivanje hrabrih i sposobnih vojnika jer plaću dobivaju i oni koji nemaju te vrline. Tako su nastale medalje za vojne zasluge, a nešto kasnije i redovi za vojne zasluge. Novi redovi za zasluge više nisu ekskluzivni kao stari viteški redovi koji su bili rezervirani za najviši sloj aristokracije. Liberalizacijom pristupa redu, red prestaje biti institucija i postaje znak; institucija se pomalo gubi, a njezin znak postaje glavna značajka reda. Prvi red za zasluge – Kraljevski i vojnički red sv. Louisa (l'Ordre royal et militaire de Saint-Louis) osnovao je 5. travnja 1693. francuski kralj Louis XIV. (*1638. – †1715.), u čast zaštitniku Francuske. Glavni uvjet za ulazak u red bio je da je kandidat odlično služio posljednjih deset godina u francuskoj vojsci ili mornarici. Kasnije se taj rok povećao na dvadeset godina. Tako je prvi put časnicima koji nisu bili aristokratskog podrijetla omogućeno da postanu članovima reda. Unatoč svemu, novi se red nije posve oslobodio tradicije. Broj osoba koje su smjele ući u red bio je striktno ograničen. Pristupiti redu mogli su samo časnici katoličke vjere. Red je imao tri stupnja: 1. Veliki križ, 2. Komander, 3. Vitez. Primjer francuskog Reda sv. Louisa slijedile su i druge europske monarhije. Ruski car Petar I. (*1672. - †1725.) osnovao je 30. kolovoza 1698. Red sv. apostola Andrije Prvozvanoga. Pretpostavlja se da je car Petar I. nakon povratka s diplomatske misije po Zapadnoj Europi 1698. godine htio imati viteški red po uzoru na europske redove. Sudeći prema odlikovanim osobama, orden se u početku dodjeljivao za iznimne zasluge za Rusko Carstvo, za vojne podvige ili za građanske zasluge. Godine 1720. car Petar I. odredio je da se odlikovanje dodjeljuje: "jednima kao nagrada za vjernost, hrabrost i razne zasluge učinjene Nama i domovini, a drugima da potaknu sve plemenite i herojske vrline (.)". Orden je imao samo jedan stupanj, a broj vitezova bio je ograničen na dvanaest osoba iz Rusije i dvanaest iz inozemstva, dakle, ukupno na dvadesetčetiri osobe. ; At the end of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth century, there were great changes in almost all European countries. This was reflected on the further development of chivalric dynastic orders and led to the creation of orders of military merit. Absolutist monarchies were founded in France, Russia, Prussia and Austria, based on the new concept of ruling. To realise their political goals – the protection and defence of the state, conquest of outside territories, and also the continuity of their rule - European absolutist rulers established permanent armed forces: standing professional armies ready for quick intervention. The standing army was under the command of the monarch, who no longer depended on the will and ambitions of his vassals. This was the main precondition for realising effective political power. The absolutist rulers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries sought ways to tie the army to themselves and to peacefully prolong their rule. By awarding noble titles, prizes in money and orders to the military commanders, and prize money and medals to the soldiers, they gained authority over the army, and thus also over the state. The army needed constant stimulation, not only when it won battles, but also when it lost, because an exhausted and faint-hearted army could turn against its master. One of the ways to stimulate the army was to reward the bravest and ablest soldiers, because even the soldiers who did not have these qualities were paid. This is how military medals of merit were created, and somewhat later also orders of military merit. The new orders of merit were no longer exclusive as were the old chivalric orders, which were reserved for the highest members of the aristocracy. By opening access to the order, it stopped being an institution and became a sign; the institution was slowly lost and its sign became the main characteristic of the order. The first order of merit – the Royal and Military Order of Saint Louis (l'Ordre royal et militaire de Saint-Louis), was founded on 5 April 1693 by King Louis XIV (1638-1715) of France in honour of Saint Louis, the patron saint of France. The main condition for being inducted was for the candidate to have given excellent service in the French army or navy in the last ten years. Later that term increased to twenty years. In this way officers who were non-nobles got the chance of becoming members of an order. The order had three degrees: 1. Great Cross, 2. Commander, 3. Knight. Other European monarchies followed the example of the French Order of Saint Louis. The Russian Tsar Peter I (1672-1725) founded the Order of St Andrew the Apostle the First-Called on 30 August 1698. It is thought that Tsar Peter I, after returning from a diplomatic mission in Western Europe in 1698, wanted to have a chivalric order modelled on the European orders. Judging from the persons who received the order, at first it was awarded only for exceptional merit for the Russian Empire, for military feats or for civil merit. The order had only one degree, and the number of knights was limited to twelve from Russia and twelve from abroad, a total of twenty-four persons.
If anyone can be considered the creator of American democracy & its most influential promoter, it is Thomas Jefferson. American democracy is deemed Jeffersonian -- rightly & doubly so: Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence (1776), the basic political & constitutional act, but he also inspired, created, & proselytized American democracy all over the world. Tocqueville considered him to be the sturdiest apostle of democracy ever. Jefferson is one of the few scholars & politicians whose belief in the value & the possibilities of democracy never wavered. His political credo
Tijekom razdoblja rimske prevlasti na Sredozemlju pomorski su putovi bili važni kanali za razmjenu robe između udaljenih dijelova Carstva. Ti su se putovi mijenjali tijekom stoljeća zbog političkih, gospodarskih i drugih razloga. Cilj je ovog rada predstaviti razlike u fluktuaciji uvoza i izvoza između istočne obale Jadrana, Italije i ostalih rimskih provincija na temelju nalaza amfora u Hrvatskoj iz razdoblja od 1. do 6. stoljeća. Amfore su zasigurno najčešći nalaz u istraživačkim kampanjama podvodne arheologije. Iako su uglavnom služile kao spremnici i ambalaža tijekom prijevoza robe, danas su bogat izvor informacija o teretu određenog broda: o podrijetlu, vrsti i veličini broda, lukama u kojima je pristajao i mnogočemu drugome. Isto tako, mnogo se informacija može doznati proučavanjem skupina amfora iz luka i drugih obalnih nalazišta. ; During the period of Roman dominance of the Mediterranean, maritime routes were important channels for the exchange of goods between distant parts of the Empire. These routes have changed over the centuries for political, economic and other reasons. This paper aims to present differences in the fluctuation of imports and exports between the eastern Adriatic coast, Italia and other Roman provinces based on finds of amphorae in Croatia from the 1st to 6th century AD. Amphorae are certainly the most common find in underwater archaeology research campaigns. Although they served mainly as packaging containers for the transport of supplies, they are today a rich source of information about a ship's cargo: point of origin, the type and size of ship, its ports of call and much more. Also, a lot of information can be found out by studying the amphorae assemblages from harbours and other coastal sites.
Šire bihaćko područje je od središta hrvatskog etničkog prostora u srednjem vijeku, zbog osmanlijske invazije i dugotrajne okupacije postalo u novom vijeku rubno područje na granici velesila, država i različitih civilizacija. Demografske promjene, na koje su utjecale vojne i političke okolnosti, najviše su se odrazile na hrvatsko katoličko stanovništvo. U zahtjevnim okolnostima Hrvati katolici su u širem graničnom krajiškom području opstali najvećim dijelom oko samog grada Bihaća. ; Almost two centuries passed from the first Ottoman invasions to the fall of Bihać, the last Croatian stronghold conquered by the Ottomans in 1592. After the fall of the defense on the river Vrbas, and then on the Una, only the defensive line on the river Kupa was effective enough to finally stop the Ottomans. During this period, the indigenous population of the wider area was suppressed in migrations to the northwest. The Islamization of conquered Bihać was important in the Ottoman security strategy. Part of the indigenous Catholic population remained in the villages around Bihać. The wars and demarcations in the 17th and 18th centuries affected the confessional and ethnic image of the wider river Una area. There were periods of more frequent "cross-border exchange" of the Croatian population due to economic and other reasons. About eight hundred surnames are recorded in the preserved registers of the parish of Bihać from the end of the 18th century. In the heart of the Croatian ethnic and political historical space, from which it is today separated by the state border, Croats have survived as indigenous population of this area, mostly around Bihać. Its numbers were influenced by wars, socio- political circumstances and political-territorial alterations in the 20th century.
The origins, evolution, & present state of political economy as a field of scientific inquiry & academic course of study are discussed. The beginnings of political economy in the 17th century are outlined, & the discipline's development & branching during the next two centuries are noted. At the turn of the 20th century, political economy established itself as an autonomous economic science, but became marginalized in the research & teaching of economics for most of the century when it was appropriated by Stalinist ideology. Today, political economy is viewed as (1) one of the constitutive theories of political science; (2) a complex theory of development & change enabling the design of strategic scenarios of initiating, regulating, & implementing particular trends; (3) an economic analysis of politics & political institutions & processes; (4) a political analysis of economic institutions & processes; (5) a complex analysis of public policy as pertaining to economic activities; (6) an analysis of the relationships between the state & the economic sector; (7) an analysis of political-economic history; (8) a political-economic analysis of society; & (9) a political-economic analysis of the world economy (the political economy of globalization). The curriculum of a study course in political economy offered at the U of Ottawa & U of Zagreb is outlined. 124 References. Adapted from the source document.
Jedna od najznačajnijih obitelji hrvatsko-ugarske povijesti jest porodica Gorjanski (Garai). Podrijetlom je iz nekadašnjega sela Dorozsme, koje se danas nalazi u sastavu Szegeda, trećega po veličini mađarskoga grada. Selo je ime dobilo po rodu Drušini(Drušbi) iz kojega potječu Gorjanski. Utemeljitelj obitelji je Ivan Gorjanski koji je 1269. od hercega Bele dobio grad i utvrdu Gorjani (Gara) u tadašnjoj Vukovskoj županiji. Gorjanski su tijekom dva stoljeća zauzimali visoke državne položaje u Hrvatskoj i Ugarskoj te su uz Karla Khuen-Hedervaryja (bio je predsjednik središnje vlade u Budimpešti 1903. i 1910.–1912. godine te hrvatski ban od 1883. do 1903.) bili najviše pozicionirani državnici iz Hrvatske. Naime, oni su u tri uzastopna naraštaja nosili najviši dvorski naslov palatina (1375.-1385., 1402.–1433., 1447.–1458.), a i u njihovoj drugoj, tzv. "banskoj" lozi imali su važnu ulogu kao hrvatski i slavonski, odnosno mačvanski banovi. Najvažniju ulogu u obitelji imao je Nikola Gorjanski mlađi, šurjak i najbliži suradnik kralja Sigismunda (Žigmunda) Luksemburgovca, koji je bio kraljev zamjenik za njegovih čestih izbivanja iz zemlje, a obavljao je i najdelikatnije diplomatske zadaće u Njemačkoj, Francuskoj i Engleskoj. Za to je nagrađen ne samo golemim posjedima, nego i Redom zmaja i Redom rupca. ; One of the most notable families in Croatian-Hungarian history is the Gorjanski (Garai) family. The family hails from Dorozsma village of old, which is part of present-day Szeged, the third largest city in Hungary. The village was named after the clan of Drušina (Drušba), from which the Gorjanski family draws its lineage. The progenitor of the family was Ivan Gorjanski, who received the Gorjani (Gara) town and fortress in the Vukovska County from Duke Bela in 1269. For two centuries members of the Gorjanski family held high level court positions in Croatia and Hungary and were, along with Karoly Khuen-Héderváry (the president of the central government in Budapest in 1903 and 1910-1912 and the Croatian ban from 1883 to 1903), the most notable political figures from Croatia. Namely, they held the highest court title of palatine (1375 – 1385, 1402 – 1433, 1447 – 1458) throughout three successive generations, while their other so-called "banal/Bánfi" branch also had an important role as Croatian and Slavonian bans, as well as bans of Macsó. The most significant figure of the family was Nikola Gorjanski Junior, brother-in-law and closest associate of King Sigismund of Luxembourg, who stood in for the King during his frequent travels. He also performed the most delicate diplomatic duties in Germany, France and England, for which he was rewarded not only with huge estates, but also the Order of the Dragon and Order of the Scarf.
The Šibenik idiom abounds in italianisms from Venetian dialect and, less so, in the words of Turkish origin. This paper gives list of Turkish words in the present Šibenik idiom, of the surnames of Turkish origin and a small number of toponyms. This materijal shows the image of the present state of an ex-border territory of the Šibenik region, after five centuries. The region and surroundings of Šibenik are full of contrasts: natives and immigrants from the coast and from behind the mountains (zagorci), štokavian and chakavian speakers. The speech of the islanders is rich in Venetian words, while in that of the z a g o r c i the words of Turkish origin prevail. As the result sometimes even three words denote one and the same thing, e.g. for the market-place: p a z a r, p i j a c a, t r ž n i c a, or two words: for dowry: d o t a and m i r a z, for pillow: k u š i n and j a s t u k, for pocket: š k a r š e l a and ž e p. Along with the great number of words of Turkish origin quite a lot of surnames, preserved until today, are of the same formation. Some of them are quite common, developed from various professions: B u n a r d ž i j a (wel-sinker), Č o b a n o v shepherd's, k a l a u z (from the Turkish military terminology meaning: guide), T e r z a n o v i ć (Turkish: terzi - terzan, meaning: tailor). A very small number of toponyms are of Turkish origin as well: B a d ž a n a (today a quite forgetten name), B u n a r i (wells, a very well known locality at the beginning of the Težačka street). This foreign penetrtion into the tissue of the Croatian language of the elder inhabitants of Šibenik took rise through centuries, particularly so following the fall of Bosnia (1463) and during 16th and 17th centuries. At the beginning the frontier between the Republic of Venice and the Turkish Empire was drawn between Vrpolje and Danilo. The Turks used to plunder the neighbourhood of Šibenik for a long time, very often they attacked the adjacent places, sometimes besieging the city for a long time. During a full, however, the border trade flourished and the Šibenik peasants used to till the Turkish fields.
Nakon višestoljetnoga zajedničkog života u okviru istovjetnih društvenih uvjeta i političkih tvorevina, završetkom ratnih razračunavanja s kraja 17. i drugoga desetljeća 18. stoljeća vrgoračko-ljubuški prostor se našao na periferiji dvaju imperijalnih sustava, na granici njihova dodira. Te su činjenice potaknule proces oblikovanja novih prostorno-regionalnih identiteta kod toga istovjetnog etnokulturnog i etnokonfesionalnog korpusa kakvim ih prepoznajemo danas. Vrgoračko-ljubuški prostor jes predratne periferije Osmanskoga Carstva spomenutim ratnim razgraničenjima podijeljen te uklopljen u vojnokrajiški i osmansko-mletački sustav nastavljajući tako kompleksan historijsko-geografski razvitak s obiju strana granica. ; After several centuries of living together under identical social circumstances and within the same political entities, at the end of war conflicts in the late 17th century and the second decade of the 18th century, the Vrgorac-Ljubuški area found itself on the periphery of two imperial systems, at the very border between them. These circumstances triggered the process of shaping new regional identities, as we know them today, within this unified ethno-cultural and ethno-confessional corps. The Vrgorac-Ljubuški area, pre-war periphery of the Ottoman Empire, was thus divided according to the aforementioned war demarcations and fitted into the Military Border, Ottoman, and Venetian space, continuing its complex historical and geographic development on both sides of the border.
Kameni ciborij iznad glavnog oltara korčulanske katedrale je remek-djelo najvećega korčulanskog klesara i graditelja Marka Andrijića, s proporcijama zlatnog reza i elementima pravog renesansnog stila. Potkraj 18. stoljeća četvrti, završni kat krova ciborija je uklonjen, a neki dijelovi su nestali. Donji dio ciborija je besprijekorno isklesan, dok je osmerostrani krov izrađen znatno lošije, s brojnim nedovršenostima, pogreškama, preklesavanjima i skraćivanjima. Na temelju detaljne analize tragova klesarskog alata i promjena geometrije kamenih elemenata, te studije izvornog ugovora o gradnji, donesen je zaključak da je donji dio ciborija izradio Marko Andrijić sa svojom radionicom, a gornji dio klesari koji nisu razumjeli njegov nacrt, odnosno konvenciju prikazivanja projekcije kosih površina u skraćenju. Srećom, iako je radi ispravka klesarske pogreške gornji dio ciborija malo sužen i snižen, ukupna proporcija nije se zbog toga bitno promijenila, pa je nakon restauracije izvornog stanja to najbolje djelo korčulanske renesanse ponovo zasjalo izvornim sjajem. ; The most prominent member of a large family of stonemasons, and certainly the greatest stonemason and builder from Korčula, Marko Andrijić learned his trade not only in the workshop of his father, the famous stonemason Andrija Marković, but also working on numerous commissions throughout Dalmatia and all the way to Italy. In his home town of Korčula, he gained fame by working on the modernization of the city fortifications and the cathedral, which is why the Venetian government appointed him lifelong protomaster of all public buildings. His work on the completion of the bell tower on the Cathedral of St. Mark stands out, because he did it in an unprecedented way, combining an octagonal loggia with a dome, lantern and promenade surrounded with a balustrade that served as an observatory. In addition to the bell tower, Andrijić transformed the entire cathedral: he placed vaults above the side aisles and galleries above them, raised the nave, and decorated the upper part of the façade with richly carved stonework. He added a sacristy to the cathedral, a ciborium over the main altar, and a bridge over the street towards the bishop's court, and built a tomb for Bishop Malumbra. In 1486, Andrijić agreed to design and build a magnificent ciborium above the main altar of the cathedral. The extraordinary proportions and brilliantly executed details of the ciborium, combining the Gothic and Renaissance styles, surpass local significance. This was the first time that a classical pillar with entasis and genuine Corinthian capitals, as well as composite capitals with dolphin and siren motifs, had appeared in Croatian art. The ciborium's appearance was significantly changed during the complete redesign of the cathedral's interior in the Baroque style, undertaken by Bishop Josip Kosirić at the end of the 18th century. In order for a sculpture of the Risen Christ to be placed on top, the upper tier of the ciborium roof was replaced with awkward, curved stone elements that belonged to older church furniture and had been re-carved to fit the ciborium. Joško Belamarić found the final tier of Andrijić's ciborium roof in the lapidary of the abbey collection, turned upside down and converted into a baptismal font. This discovery made it possible to make an ideal reconstruction of the original appearance by completing the natural sequence of four openings in the surface of the first-tier of the ciborium roof to one opening the surface of the fourth-tier. In order to re-establish the integrity of Andrijić's masterpiece, and taking into account the angle of parts of the roof on the ciborium and its proportions, a draft was made with the reconstructed missing elements: eight segments of the third-tier roof and the small dome. After the upper part of the ciborium was disassembled to preserve the stone and consolidate the structure, all the stone elements, holes for fixing metal joints, traces of masonry tools, damage, re-carving and shortening were inspected and analysed in detail. A stonemason's mark was found on the upper surface of the architrave, which determined the position of the elements of the first tier of the roof, which, according to the original design, should have been about 9 cm wider on all sides. It was concluded that the perfectly carved lower part of the ciborium was made by Marko Andrijić in his workshop, and the inferior roof was made by stonemasons who did not understand his design. In order to understand what exactly happened and to be able to make the right conservation decision on how to restore the ciborium, it was necessary to return to the original construction contract, kept in the Zadar State Archives. A complete transcription and translation of the contract, with the payments written in the margins, was made. Master Marko Andrijić committed to carving a ciborium of stone from Vrnik and based on the design he had made, in the following two years for the price of one hundred and fifteen ducats. If he failed to complete the ciborium within the agreed time, the master had to pay a fine, but he was allowed to let other master stonemasons complete the work in that case. Judging by the recorded payments, the construction of the ciborium took six years instead of two, and Marko did not pay a fine, and he even received about seven ducats more than the agreed price. The excess payment probably relates to the statues of the Annunciation, which had to be contracted subsequently with an annex that has not yet been found. After about two-thirds of the ciborium was complete, the work was stopped, and after more than two years, work was continued, probably by one of Marko's brothers, but he was not up to the task. Due to an error in transferring the dimensions and angle of inclination of the roof surfaces from the draft, the replacement masters had to re-carve the already-executed elements of the first-tier roof and improvise to fill the resulting cavities. As a result of these errors, the roof of the ciborium was narrowed and lowered. However, viewed as a whole, the proportional system of the ciborium, consisting of four rectangles of the golden ratio placed one above the other, is not significantly affected by a small but proportional reduction in the dimensions of the roof. Between 2014 and 2019, the Croatian Conservation Institute repaired the damaged elements, carved the missing parts, and re-assembled and connected the upper part of the ciborium with metal clamps filled with lead, with all the necessary reinforcement of the structure. After more than two centuries, the best work of Korčula's architectural and stoneworking art was once again made whole.
U članku se prvi put donosi umjetnička topografija zapadnog dijela Dalmatinske zagore, koja je politički i crkveno kroz svoju povijest bila podijeljena na trogirski i splitski dio. Na ovom se području tek definitivnim odlaskom Turaka razvija život te donose barokne umjetničke forme. Uz podatak iz biskupskih vizitacija 17. i 18. st. analiziraju se crkve i umjetnine iz vremena baroka. ; Western part of the Dalmatian Hinterland which belongs geographically to Split and Trogir throughout centuries had different historic and cultural development than litoral parts of Dalmatia. The teritory between mountains Svilaja and Kozjak, Moseć and the pass of Klis has rarely been a subject of any research except maybe Middle ages. This article is the first survvey of the Baroque art of the 17th and 18th century on this teritory. Historic background of the 17th and 18th century events in Dalmatia are Venetian-Turkish wars which swept over the Dalmatian Inland leaving it practically inhabited. The border between Venetian Republic and the Otoman Empire cut Dalmatia in two parts changing from Nani line, after war of Candia, which left the Inland in the Turkish iurisdiction, to Grimani line and Mocenigo line after the war of Morea which brought it back under the Venetian dominion. The Turkish retreat ment new life for the whole teritory. New population came form Bosnia and Herzegovina which remained Turkish. Together with these christian settlers come their priests. Churches were built together with new villages and new roads. Churches from the 17th and 18the centuries are analized with particular interest in the modest baroque forms which appear. The formal analysis is accompanied with documents, mostly ecclesiestical visitations of the churches of the area. Few baroque, paintengs are preserved, among them Gaspare Diziani's All Saints in the church of Zlopolje. Venetian import is also obvious in numerous silver calices and reliquaries. The general characteristic of the baroque art here is unity between import, mostly Venetian in connection with church and few nobile families who from Serenissima gained estates in Inland for special war merits, and original baroque taste so obvious in wooden sculpture and carvings. These, naive crucifixes with their strong expressiveness are original achievment of the local carvers, plain peasants who living far away from Split and Trogir had in their minds mental pictures of the venetion crucifixes which they tried to repete. Baroque in the Dalmatian Hinterland has not the category of the style. It is more a chronological sequence of the onehundered and fifty years in which this most poor part of Dalmatia tried to develop certain artistic forms which is spite of all efforts remained very modest and provincial.
Rad "Društveno-političke prilike u ivanićkom kraju između dva svjetska rata" u prvom redu nastojat će prikazati događaje koji su obilježili međuratno razdoblje u tri općine ivanićkog kraja (Ivanić-Grad, Kloštar Ivanić, Križ). Uz demografski, društveni i gospodarski razvoj, posebna će se pažnja posvetiti okolnostima dinamičnih političkih zbivanja u tom kraju, koja su obilježila razdoblje od 1918. do 1941. godine. ; The area of municipalities Ivanić-Grad, Kloštar Ivanić and Križ in the times of monarchist Yugoslavia (from 1918 to 1941), went through a period of transformation. This territory had a fairly diverse social and economic structure, in which there was industry, commerce and trade, along with agriculture and livestock farming. The entire area had a centuries-long tradition of education, for which there was relatively little illiterates. Moreover, the idea of linking citizens to achieve common economic and social interests was very strong among the population. After 1918 all adult male citizens of Yugoslavia got universal suffrage. Therefore the Croatian people hoped that their rights would expand even further, while the new state government wanted to build a unitary and centralized state. Citizens of Ivanić area started the struggle for the preservation of their democratic and national rights. One of the biggest and earliest armed resistances to the regime's ideas, known as the Kriæ Republic, proved in 1920 that people were not happy with the situation in their environment. Despite of proclamation of Yugoslav dictatorship, with time the authorities would find that the thoughts and actions of citizens are very difficult to control. The citizens themselves in almost absolute numbers sided with the ideas of Croatian Peasant Party and the concept of political struggle for democratic, social and economic rights of Croatian people in the monarchist Yugoslavia. Therefore, the attacks against ideas and symbols of the regime became an everyday reality. In the years following the assassination of King Alexander there was a limited democratization of the state. They were also marked by an increasing activity of the HSS. This all led to the creation of the Banovina of Croatia in 1939. However, only a year and a half later, Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Croatian Banovina will disappear in a whirlwind of World War Two.
After the breakup of the USSR, and the several rounds of Post-Cold War enlargements of the Western integrations, once large space of newly independent and geopolitically uncontrolled European post-communist states, located between the EU, NATO and Russia, contracts geopolitically and 'wanders' strategically. The three states, Belarus, Ukraine and Moldova, located on Russia's western borders share about three thousand kilometers of borders with the EU and NATO, and about two thousand and five hundred kilometers with Russia, which implicates that they are prone to the geopolitical influences from their surroundings. This Interspace of the three states lies inside the strategic triangle comprised of: 1) Russia - geopolitically and militarily powerful state as well as a giant considering its energy reserves, which makes her relatively strong 'hard' power as well as a significant 'soft' power; 2) the EU - economic giant on the global level that is not unified enough; has domestic problems and is partially dependent on Russia when it comes to energy, a civilian power without 'hard' power that in its foreign relations relies on policies based on financial assistance, assurance, and attractiveness; 3) NATO, led by the USA - the most powerful military-political-security 'hard' power that exists today; it does not have the kind of influence on Europe and the Post-Soviet space that it had in the 90-ies. However, as a consequence of subordination of the Interspace that lasted for a couple of centuries, the common characteristics intrinsic to this space occur: ambiguous identities; deficits in the democratic practices; complicated, prolonged and incomplete transition; economic decline, demographic problems - all of which favor a strategic 'adoption' of the Interspace by the Kremlin, a former imperial master. At the same time, a relative marginalization of the Interspace is evident regarding the processes of Euro-Atlantic integration. After the unsuccessful attempts of 'pulling out' Kiev, Kishinev, and the South Caucasian Tbilisi from this Russian sphere of influence, the states positioned in the Interspace, together with Russia, comprise a regional security complex, a stabilized geopolitical 'Russosphere' that is a key part of the Kremlin's attempts for Eurasian reintegration under Russia's leadership. Adapted from the source document.
Iako prirodna osnova ne može biti odlučujući kriterij pri povlačenju granica, povijesni i političko-geografski razvoj istraživanog područja ukazuje da su pri razgraničenju Republike Hrvatske i Republike Slovenije u znatnoj mjeri korištene prirodne međe. Taj zaključak vrijedi i za analizirane sektore koji se vežu za Žumberačku goru i doline rijeke Kupe i Čabranke. Uz prirodne pogodnosti, s obzirom na to da je tu međa povučena na vršnim grebenima gorskog masiva (Žumberačka gora / Gorjanci) i na riječnim tokovima, treba naglasiti činjenicu da je ona prilagođena prostornoj organizaciji života pograničja. Upravo stoga ona je ovdje subsekventnog i kooperativnog tipa. Evolucijski gledano, granica i pograničje prošli su razvoj od terra nullius, zatim frontijera i konačno, od 16. st. na rijekama Kupi i Čabranki postoji međa linijskog obilježja, a od 1816. godine i na Žumberku. Granica, dakle, ima vjekovni kontinuitet, unatoč prijeporima o državno i imovinsko-pravnoj pripadnosti istraživanog područja u pojedinim povijesnim razdobljima. Time se može objasniti da su navedeni sektori u današnjem razdoblju najmanje sporni u razgraničenju dvaju suvereniteta. ; Although natural basis cannot be a decisive criterion in defining borders, historical and politico-geographic development of the researched area reveals that natural bounds have been considerably used in the boundary demarcation between the Republic of Croatia and Republic of Slovenia. This can be also concluded for the analyzed sectors which are tied with the Žumberak Mountain and the Kupa and Čabranka River valleys. Besides natural favours (the boundary line runs over the top ridges of the mountain massif of Žumberak/Gorjanci, as well as along the river flows), one must point out the fact that it is adapted to spatial organization of the borderland. Therefore, the boundary line is subsequent and co-operative here. Evolutionally, the border and borderland developed from terra nullius, frontier, and, finally, since the 16th century, have become a boundary line on the rivers Kupa and Čabranka, and since 1816, on Žumberak. Consequently, in spite of disputes in particular historical periods about the researched area's state and property appurtenance, the border has a centuries-old continuity. This can explain that nowadays the quoted sectors are least disputable in the boundary demarcation of the two sovereignties.
Nakon povijesnog pregleda razvoja grčke lokalne samouprave u razdoblju nakon stjecanja neovisnosti o Otomanskom Carstvu analiziraju se novije reforme krajem 20. i početkom 21. stoljeća. Velika teritorijalna reforma dovršena je 1999. Postoje dvije razine samoupravnih jedinica te regije kao razvojne jedinice s određenim dodatnim ovlastima. Na prvom su stupnju općine i komune, a na drugoj prefekture. Reforma grčke lokalne samouprave pokazuje da ukidanje malih lokalnih jedinica ne mora značiti njihovo potpuno nestajanje, nego ih se može pretvoriti u oblik sudjelovanja građana u lokalnom upravljanju koji zadržava svoj prijašnji teritorijalni identitet. Također, pokazuje se da teritorijalna reforma bez promjena u financijskim izvorima lokalnih jedinica ne dovodi ni do kakvih promjena u mogućnostima financiranja i obavljanja šireg kruga javnih poslova. U tom smislu teritorijalna reforma sama po sebi nije decentralizacijska mjera. Ni neposredni izbor načelnika ne mora sam po sebi donijeti napredak u smjeru demokratizacije – iz grčkog se primjera vidi da bez podrške velikih nacionalnih političkih stranaka praktično nije moguće osvojiti mjesto načelnika ili prefekta. ; Following a historic overview of the development of Greek local self-government after gaining independence from the Ottoman Empire, the author analyses recent reforms at the end of the 20th and the beginning of the 21st centuries. A comprehensive territorial reform was completed in 1999. There are two tiers of local self-government units, and regions as statistical units with certain additional competences. The first tier consists of municipalities and communes, and the second of prefectures. The reform of Greek local self-government has shown that abolition of small local units does not have to mean their complete disappearance, but that they can be turned into a form of citizens' participation in local governance and thus keep their former territorial identity. Moreover, it has become obvious that a territorial reform without a reform of local units' financial resources does not lead to any changes in their financial capacity and does not widen the scope of public affairs they perform. Thus, a territorial reform is not a decentralisation measure in itself. Furthermore, it is clear from the Greek example that even the institution of directly elected mayors does not necessarily mean a progress in democratisation – it is practically impossible to win the elections for a mayor or a prefect in Greece without the support of large national political parties.
