ENGLISH: Over the last few decades, German and Italian scholarships in the field of medieval constitutional history widened their traditional differences in research approach, as the studies on royal rulership (Königsherrschaft) in the tenth and early eleventh centuries seem to reveal. These studies define the subject of this article, which aims at raising awareness of the need to once again increase German-Italian cooperation. In this respect, the present essay briefly deals with selected issues and problems that are differently tackled by German and Italian scholarly traditions, and subsequently outlines four promising research paths for investigating royal rulership and kingship in the tenth and early eleventh centuries by means of an in-depth exchange between the two historiographies. These four new proposals concern macro-themes such as space, time, power-sharing practices, and the circulation of political models by making use of hostages. . / ITALIANO: Negli ultimi decenni la medievistica tedesca e quella italiana di ambito politico-istituzionale sembrano aver approfondito le loro tradizionali differenze metodologiche, come si osserva soprattutto negli studi sul potere regio (Königsherrschaft) nei secoli X-XI. Questi studi definiscono l'oggetto del presente articolo. Con l'auspicio di contribuire al rilancio di un proficuo dialogo italo-tedesco, il saggio offre dapprima una breve – e certo non esaustiva – riflessione storiografica, a partire da una selezione di temi e di problemi che sono generalmente affrontati in modo diverso dai medievisti tedeschi e italiani; successivamente sono presentate quattro nuove piste di ricerca, potenzialmente sviluppabili sulla scorta di un più intenso scambio tra le due storiografie, che ovviamente coinvolge la comunità medievistica internazionale nel suo complesso. Queste nuove proposte toccano i macro-temi dello spazio, del tempo, delle pratiche di condivisione del potere (sharing-power practices) e della circolazione di modelli politici tramite gli ostaggi.
La tesi si propone di indagare il tema della rivalità politica tra Cleone e Nicia, così come presentato all'interno del capitolo XXVIII della Costituzione degli Ateniesi di Aristotele. Tale tema è studiato principalmente secondo una prospettiva storiografica, attraverso l'analisi delle diverse fonti che prendono in considerazione la vicenda dei due leader. Dopo un'analisi dettagliata della testimonianza di Aristotele, si propone un esame delle fonti contemporanee, delle fonti di quarto e terzo secolo e infine del bios plutarcheo dedicato a Nicia. L'analisi ha messo in evidenza come la genesi dell'opposizione Nicia/Cleone non sia tanto riconducibile alle fonti del quinto secolo, che pur offrono parecchio materiale su cui riflettere, ma sia piuttosto da riportare alla riflessione di quarto. ; The thesis aims to examine the issue of political rivalry between Cleon and Nicias as presented in chapter XXVIII of Aristotle's Athenaion Politeia. This topic is considered primarily from a historiographical perspective, through the analysis of the various sources dealing with the story of the two leaders. After a detailed study of the Aristotelian evidence, the thesis offers an examination of contemporary sources, of authors from 4th and 3rd centuries BC, and finally of Plutarch's Life of Nikias. The analysis shows that the origin of the opposition between Nicias and Cleon should not be identified in 5th century sources, which nevertheless preserve some interesting and telling details, but it should be attributed to 4th century political reflection.
Assuming that space is a determining factor for the production or development of law, we propose that the regulations on Indian encomiendas in colonial America were always local and not general. They did not seek to replicate the orders contained in the royal cédulas, but rather to translate their general principles into the local order. The regulations on encomienda were the result of negotiation between the interests of the king, the interests of the neighborhood, the capacity for resistance or adaptation of the indigenous communities, as well as the knowledge of space. In this essay we will analyze the case of the Government of Tucumán, located in the southern Andes, in the 16th and early 17th centuries. ; Assuming that space is a determining factor for the production or development of law, we propose that the regulations on Indian encomiendas in colonial America were always local and not general. They did not seek to replicate the orders contained in the royal cédulas, but rather to translate their general principles into the local order. The regulations on encomienda were the result of negotiation between the interests of the king, the interests of the neighborhood, the capacity for resistance or adaptation of the indigenous communities, as well as the knowledge of space. In this essay we will analyze the case of the Government of Tucumán, located in the southern Andes, in the 16th and early 17th centuries. ; Supponendo che lo spazio sia un fattore determinante per la produzione o lo sviluppo del diritto, proponiamo che i regolamenti sulle encomiendas indiane nell'America coloniale fossero sempre locali e non generali. Non cercavano di replicare gli ordini contenuti nelle cédulas reales, ma piuttosto di tradurre i loro principi generali nell'ordine locale. I regolamenti sull'encomiendas erano il risultato della negoziazione tra gli interessi del re, gli interessi degli encomenderos vecinos delle città americane, la capacità di resistenza o di adattamento delle comunità indigene e la conoscenza dello spazio. In questo saggio analizzeremo il caso del governo di Tucumán, situato nelle Ande meridionali, nel Cinquecento e all'inizio del Seicento.
This volume aims to foster the dialogue between two usually distinct scholarly traditions: on the one hand, the studies revolving around cultural and political activity, as well as the didactic, theological, religious and pastoral initiatives undertaken by the Dominican Order in the urban context; on the other hand, the scholarship on the history of Florence between the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, seen as a case study representative of the evolutions of late medieval communal institutions in the Italian peninsula. The essays focus on the reciprocal interactions and influences between religious and political cultures, along with those between mendicant and lay contexts.
e will trace the evolution of an encounter between two cultures, the English and the SiSicilian culture, which, at a time of political and social change, discover the classical world and the Arab-Norman architecture. The enchanted charm of Sicily and its imposing and melancholic nature was crossed for two centuries by the exodus of an English world that will share the eternal romanticism of it throughout Europe, and is also represented by the exploit of publications requested and produced by the Anglo-Saxon world between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. John Ruskin arrived in Sicily in 1874 to discover the nature and the architecture of the island. A comparison with the English travellers who described Norman architecture before him is fascinating; it shows how much the previous travel literature guided his choices, influenced him, and how much the personal visiting of such great monuments impressed him: «every clef is surmounted by a Moorish, Saracen or Norman architecture completely new to me».
Approaching notarial production and uses in two different Italian communal cities, during the last medieval centuries, is a major way of highlighting specific declinations of a unique notarial civilization, that of Italian communal city-states. Considering the cities and their territories ("contadi") as a whole, the essay first of all stresses the contadi sizes, their populations, the presence of towns and small villages, seen as the basical action field for the respective notaries. The second step consists in evaluating how much of the impressive notarial production for the two studied centuries is actually stored in the respective archives. Relatively known is the medieval documentation abundant loss trough the centuries, but the essay tries to estimate the remaining actual percentage, stressing the attention over the diplomatic sources weight, i.e. the parchments, wich form a particular type of notarial production, but nevertheless noteworthy.The third point of the article push forward an analysis of notarial careers, noting how much urban-centered they were in the two studied cities, more in Arezzo than in Milan. Is useful observing that the "contado" of the second was really full of notarial dinasties, scattered through the territory, not only in the Milanese little towns ("borghi"), but also in modest villages. The most important information concerns the different degrees of notarial career: in Arezzo only a step was considered enough, while in Milan normally notaries went trough a three step path: beginning with pronotarius, the professionist became notarius (laudatus ad omnia) and then iudex ordinarius. The complete unfolding of this path, nevertheless, is given only since the XIV century second half, when is possible to see it more frequently.The essay last part focuses about the notarial formulary, which reveals less differences than expected between the two cities. Among a common set of uses and practices two minor discrepancies catch the attention: Milanese notaries indicated very often a clause about the use prohibition of communal "carte debiti", a sort of civic money substitute. That clause is normally absent in documents drawn up in Arezzo, revealing a different urban financing system. On the other hand the latter's documents contain nearly always a different clause about the "preceptum guarentigie", a communal law which permits immediate use of notarial debt documents, without court intervention. That clause also reveals a different debt legislation between the two cities.Nevertheless this two examples confirm the existence of a unique notarial civilization in Arezzo and Milan, declined somehow differently. ; Milano e Arezzo, due città apparentemente molto distanti, ma in realtà piuttosto simili in fatto di civiltà notarile, vengono qui confrontate da questo punto di vista per evidenziare similitudini e particolarità della produzione notarile, della sua conservazione, della carriera e del ruolo di tali protagonisti, del formulario usato da essi. L'analisi viene estesa anche al contado, considerato parte inscindibile di un unico spazio comunale che nella città aveva il suo centro.
[EN] The study relating to the town walls of Nola (a city near Naples) is one of the most interesting among those about the Neapolitan military architecture between the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The building phases of the defensive walls allow us to retrace two main moments of the Renaissance military architecture. It is to say, from the original and most ancient example of a puntoni struts fortifications, about which we can relate thanks to the precious and detailed Ambrogio Leone de Nola's description made at the beginning of 1500, to the renewed defensive rampart body designed by el comendador Luis Escrivà during the Toledian period. A thorough recon of the iconographic sources, the regarding of the specialistic historiography, the contemporary theoretical assumptions and, most of all, a thorough recon of the still visible traces in the urban fabric and those emerged during the recent archeological investigations enable us to propose a structured theory about the building of the walls of Nola. ; Mollo, G.; Piccolo, G. (2020). La trasformazione dell'impianto fortificato della città di Nola tra Quattrocento e Cinquecento. Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València. 655-662. https://doi.org/10.4995/FORTMED2020.2020.11416 ; OCS ; 655 ; 662
Dopo una breve introduzione sui secolari rapporti tra Spagna e Italia, il saggio presenta un esame sommario della Costituzione di Cadice e si sofferma poi sulla situazione italiana agli inizi della Restaurazione, analizzando in dettaglio e in profondità il caso del Regno delle Due Sicilie e del Regno di Sardegna dal punto di vista politico e sociale, spiegando come la Costituzione di Cadice fosse divenuta la parola d'ordine del movimento patriottico italiano. Il testo continua indicando come l'insurrezione costituzionale spagnola del 1820 abbia costituito il detonatore della rivoluzione di Napoli dello stesso anno, e mette in luce le reazioni della società napoletana al nuovo regime politico, soffermandosi sul dibattito culturale e politico che si svolse sulla stampa. Si passa poi alla rivoluzione piemontese, mettendo nuovamente in risalto come l'insieme dei patrioti decidesse di adottare la Costituzione di Cadice dopo molte accese discussioni, e come infine la rivoluzione fallisse da un lato per la condotta pusillanime del Principe Reggente Carlo Alberto, dall'altro per la sostanziale apatia e indifferenza delle classi popolari, che non scorgevano alcun possibile vantaggio materiale immediato in un nuovo sistema politico. Infine l'Autore, che vuole qui sottolineare l'impiego di una bibliografia basata essenzialmente su fonti contemporanee e di testimoni oculari, conclude l'opera tracciando un parallelo tra patrioti spagnoli e italiani, uniti nel comune destino della lotta per la libertà e l'indipendenza. ; Tras una breve introducción sobre las seculares relaciones entre España e Italia, el presente ensayo ofrece un somero recorrido de la Constitución de Cádiz y se detiene en la situación italiana a comienzos de la Restauración, examinando detenida y profundamente los casos del Reino de las Dos Sicilias y del Reino de Cerdeña desde el punto de vista político y social. Se explica cómo la Constitución de Cádiz se convirtió en la consigna del movimiento patriótico italiano. Se plantea cómo la insurrección constitucional española de 1820 constituyó el detonador de la revolución de Nápoles ese mismo año. Las reacciones de la sociedad napolitana ante el nuevo régimen político, haciendo hincapié en el debate cultural y político reflejado en la prensa, son también objeto de consideración. Respecto a la revolución piamontesa, se muestra cómo, de nuevo, el bando patriota llegó a la decisión de adoptar la Constitución de Cádiz tras encendidas discusiones, y cómo la revolución finalmente fracasó debido a la pusilánime conducta del Príncipe Regente Carlo Alberto y a la sustancial apatía de las clases populares, que no percibían ventaja material inmediata alguna en un nuevo sistema político. Utilizando esencialmente fuentes primarias y testimonios de la época, se establece un paralelo entre los patriotas españoles y los italianos, unidos en el destino común de la lucha por la libertad y la independencia. ; After a short introduction on the centuries-old relationships between Spain and Italy, this essay offers a brief analysis of the 'Cadiz Constitution', completed with some remarks about Italy at the beginning of the Restoration period, offering a detailed, in-depth study of the kingdoms of Sardinia and the Two Sicilies. A revision of the political and social situation in both states, opens the way to an explanation of how the 'Cadiz Constitution' became the watchword of the Italian patriotic movement. The study shows how the 1820 Spanish constitutional insurrection triggered the Naples revolution that same year. It goes on delving on how the Neapolitan society reacted to the new political regime, emphasizing the cultural and political debate covered by the press. As for the Turin revolution, evidence is offered of how the patriotic faction reached the decision of adopting the 'Cadiz Constitution' only after heated dispute, and also of how the revolution eventually failed. This was due to the coward conduct of the Prince Regent, Carlo Alberto, and the substantial indifference of the low classes, who identified no immediate material advantage in a new political system. Drawing mainly on primary sources as well as on information provided by contemporary eyewitnesses, a parallel is drawn between Spanish and Italian patriots, united in the common destiny of fighting for freedom and independence.
Monografía completa dedicada al proyecto Petrifying Wealth (PETRIFYING WEALTH Petrifying Wealth. The Southern European Shift to Masonry as Collective Investment in Identity, c.1050-1300. Identificador: 695515): https://digital.csic.es/cris/project/pj00207 ; Monografía completa disponible en http://hdl.handle.net/10261/242333 Monográfico: La petrificación de la riqueza: construcción e identidad en la Península ibérica e Italia, siglos XI-XIII. ; [ES] ste artículo analiza las políticas de planificación y urbanización de las ciudades italianas mediante el estudio de los estatutos de los siglos xii y xiii. El texto se enfrenta específicamente a esa temática identificando dos aspectos principales: los gobiernos urbanos como actores y organizadores de la edificación pública y de la planificación urbanística; y los gobiernos urbanos como reguladores de la construcción privada, pero también como promotores de la seguridad y salud públicas. Se realiza un examen de esos dos papeles fundamentales de las autoridades urbanas y se hacen numerosas referencias a las fuentes documentales sobre las que se basa la investigación. Pero también se ofrece una imagen de la historiografía hasta ahora existente sobre la planificación urbana y las políticas constructivas en las ciudades italianas. ; [EN] The essay analyzes the Italian cities' urban planning and building policies, through the study of statutory sources of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The text, in particular, faces these matters identifying two main topics: city governments as actors and organizers of public building and urban planning; city governments as regulators of private building, but also as promoters of public safety and health. Trying to examine these two fundamental roles played by city authorities, making many references to the documentary sources on which the research is based, the essay also provides an important picture of the historiography that, up to now, has analyzed the Italian cities' urban planning and building policies. ; Peer reviewed
The theses "The Constitutional Ordinance of Republic of Moldova.1990-2007" represents a complex analyse of crucial moments of Republic of Moldova political life like the independence proclaiming on 1991, the Constitution adopting on 1994, the level of political culture of local people and the principle of separation of powers in the state, with the representatives institutions as the parliament, govern and presidency. This study is structured in three chapters divided into paragraphs from 3 to 5 each of them and the subjects are systematized in chronological order respecting the most important events of the last two centuries of Moldova`s history. The bibliographical support of the this work is formed by a vast collection of specialized studies of the Moldavian, Italian, Russian and American researchers. The collection of the fundamental laws and documents used in this study made it to be a complex contribution in understanding the South-Eastern Europe state: Republic of Moldova.
A comprehensive and long-lasting study dedicated to the Hucpoldingi, an object of research so far difficult to classify for scholars. Combined with the supposed comital government of the city of Bologna from the nineteenth-century erudition, the Hucpoldingi remained for a long time on the margins of the reconstructions of political history of the early medieval Italic kingdom precisely because of the amplitude of action that characterized the parental group for more than two centuries , from IX to XI. The geographical dispersion of the documentary funds that attest their action has made them elusive for a long time, as a whole. The research deals with the reconstruction of the political events of the different members of the kinship, of their heritage and of the clientele connected to them in the various sectors of the kingdom. Finally, it examines the peculiar elements of the group, from which the characteristics of their power emerge, the memory strategies and the notions of self-awareness common to different individuals.
After a short introduction on the centuries-old relationships between Spain and Italy, this essay offers a brief analysis of the 'Cadiz Constitution', completed with some remarks about Italy at the beginning of the Restoration period, offering a detailed, in-depth study of the kingdoms of Sardinia and the Two Sicilies. A revision of the political and social situation in both states, opens the way to an explanation of how the 'Cadiz Constitution' became the watchword of the Italian patriotic movement. The study shows how the 1820 Spanish constitutional insurrection triggered the Naples revolution that same year. It goes on delving on how the Neapolitan society reacted to the new political regime, emphasizing the cultural and political debate covered by the press. As for the Turin revolution, evidence is offered of how the patriotic faction reached the decision of adopting the 'Cadiz Constitution' only after heated dispute, and also of how the revolution eventually failed. This was due to the coward conduct of the Prince Regent, Carlo Alberto, and the substantial indifference of the low classes, who identified no immediate material advantage in a new political system. Drawing mainly on primary sources as well as on information provided by contemporary eyewitnesses, a parallel is drawn between Spanish and Italian patriots, united in the common destiny of fighting for freedom and independence. ; Tras una breve introducción sobre las seculares relaciones entre España e Italia, el presente ensayo ofrece un somero recorrido de la Constitución de Cádiz y se detiene en la situación italiana a comienzos de la Restauración, examinando detenida y profundamente los casos del Reino de las Dos Sicilias y del Reino de Cerdeña desde el punto de vista político y social. Se explica cómo la Constitución de Cádiz se convirtió en la consigna del movimiento patriótico italiano. Se plantea cómo la insurrección constitucional española de 1820 constituyó el detonador de la revolución de Nápoles ese mismo año. Las reacciones de la ...
Il saggio indaga in modo critico origini e fortune (anche recenti) del discorso di delegittimazione dei plebisciti di unificazione svoltisi il 21 e 22 ottobre 1860 nelle Due Sicilie, con particolare attenzione al caso di studio delle province continentali dell'ex Regno borbonico. L'intento è quello di considerare queste pratiche di voto come un modo storicamente peculiare di apprendistato politico e mobilitazione popolare, dal profilo tanto partecipativo e inclusivo (anche verso soggetti normativamente esclusi dal corpo elettorale come donne e minori) quanto olistico, a-deliberativo e marcato da una personalizzazione della politica che si incarna in figure monocratiche e carismatiche. Un'adeguata comprensione del plebiscito meridionale non può, infatti, prescindere, in primo luogo, da un'analisi che lo collochi nel contesto delle coeve e successive analoghe esperienze europee (e più in generale delle dinamiche elettorali democratizzate fra XVIII e XIX secolo); secondariamente, da una lettura alla luce del lungo e articolato processo di "civilizzazione elettorale", ovvero della definizione di tecnologie e pratiche del suffragio intese a forcludere la violenza politica, incanalando e ordinando normativamente l'esercizio, altrimenti scomposto, della sovranità popolare. ; The paper is a critical investigation of the origins and fortunes (including recent developments) of the discourse of delegitimisation of the unification plebiscites carried out on the 21st and 22nd October 1860 in the Two Sicilies. It pays particular attention to the case study of the mainland provinces of the ex-Bourbon Reign. The intent is to consider these voting practices as an historically unique method of political apprenticeship and mobilisation of the popular classes. The profile of these practices was as much participative and inclusive (including subjects who were normally excluded from the electoral body, such as women and minors) as it was holistic, nondeliberative and marked by a personalisation of politics that was incarnated in monocratic and charismatic figures. An adequate understanding of the southern plebiscite must not ignore, firstly, an analysis that is positioned in the context of the coeval and subsequent analogue experiences in Europe (and more generally the democratised electoral dynamics between the 18th and 19th centuries). Secondly, it must be read from the perspective of the long and articulated process of "electoral civilisation", that is, the definition of the technology and practices of suffrage intended to preclude political violence, channelling and ordering the otherwise broken exercise of popular sovereignty.
A partire dalle lettura di due recenti monografie sull'argomento (i lavori di Alessandro Dani sullo Stato di Siena in epoca medicea e di Stefano Barbacetto sulla Repubblica di Venezia fra XV e XVIII secolo), il contributo prende in esame le politiche degli antichi stati italiani sulle proprietà collettive. Mentre i Medici attuarono interventi limitati in tale settore, sin dalla seconda metà del Quattrocento la Signoria veneta dispiegò ambiziose iniziative intese a rivendicare la sovranità sulle comunanze dei territori soggetti e a incamerarne significative quote. Pur con approcci differenti, in età moderna emerge un crescente interesse dei governi centrali per gli usi civici. ; This contribution examines the politics of ancient Italian states with regards to collective property by taking as a starting point two recent monographs on this argument (Alessandro Dani's work on the state of Siena in Medicean times and Stefano Barbacetto's work on the Venetian Republic between the 15th and 18th centuries). Whilst the Medicis'initiatives in this sphere were of a limited nature, as from the mid-fifteenth century the Venetian signoria conducted ambitious interventions aimed at acquiring significant shares and reclaiming sovereignty over the common property of the subjected territories. Despite the differences in the approaches adopted, in early modern times central governments increasingly gain interest in collective resources.
L'intervento prende in esame due casi di studio dell'Appennino tosco-emiliano: l'ospedale intitolato a San Benedetto e a Sant'Antonino delle Alpi, detto anche di Prato del Vescovo, e l'ospedale della Croce Brandegliana. Erano entrambi ospedali di valico posti su due delle principali strade che collegavano Pistoia ai territori emiliani. Particolarmente interessanti appaiono le vicende due e trecentesche di questi due enti (sorti a fine XI secolo), che conobbero il passaggio dalla giurisdizione ecclesiastica a quella comunale, l'ampliamento delle funzioni espletate, la progressiva riduzione della comunità ospedaliera fino al trasferimento in città o alla sua scomparsa. Nel tentativo di comprendere le ragioni di queste evoluzioni, nel contributo ci si sofferma sul significato assunto dalla costituzione di una rete ospedaliera per la colonizzazione ecclesiastica della zona; sulle conseguenze nell'indirizzamento militare delle attività ospedaliere derivante dall'affermazione del comune come forza politica; e infine sugli effetti di fenomeni di carattere climatico, fazionario e religioso nella configurazione del paesaggio assistenziale. ; The paper examines two case studies from the Tuscan-Emilian Apennines: the hospital named after St Benedict and St Antoninus of the Alps, also known as Prato del Vescovo, and the hospital of the Brandegliana Cross. Both were pass hospitals located on two of the main roads connecting Pistoia to the Emilian territories. The events of these two institutions (founded at the end of the 11th century) are particularly interesting in the 13th and 14th centuries, as they experienced the passage from ecclesiastical to municipal jurisdiction, the expansion of the functions performed, and the progressive reduction of the hospital community until it moved to the city or disappeared. In an attempt to understand the reasons for these evolutions, the contribution focuses on the significance of the establishment of a hospital network for the ecclesiastical colonisation of the area; on the consequences of the military direction of hospital activities resulting from the establishment of the municipality as a political force; and finally, on the effects of climatic, factional and religious phenomena on the configuration of the welfare landscape.
