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With forty-two extensively annotated maps, this atlas offers novel insights into the history and mechanics of how Central Europe's languages have been made, unmade, and deployed for political action. The innovative combination of linguistics, history, and cartography makes a wealth of hard-to-reach knowledge readily available to both specialist and general readers. It combines information on languages, dialects, alphabets, religions, mass violence, or migrations over an extended period of time. The story first focuses on Central Europe's dialect continua, the emergence of states, and the spread of writing technology from the tenth century onward. Most maps concentrate on the last two centuries. The main storyline opens with the emergence of the Western European concept of the nation, in accord with which the ethnolinguistic nation-states of Italy and Germany were founded. In the Central European view, a "proper" nation is none other than the speech community of a single language. The Atlas aspires to help users make the intellectual leap of perceiving languages as products of human history and part of culture. Like states, nations, universities, towns, associations, art, beauty, religions, injustice, or atheism—languages are artefacts invented and shaped by individuals and their groups.

This essay will investigate the question of how the renewable energy (RE) transition may reshape world politics. To date, most IPE scholars of the RE transition assume that renewables will simply substitute for fossil fuels and thereby continue similar patterns of economic growth and military competition that have characterized world politics over the past two centuries. However, they do not systematically consider what I call the 'non-substitutability hypothesis,' or the view that renewables will be unable to substitute for many of the services that fossil fuels provide for economies and militaries. In contrast, I will argue that if the non-substitutability hypothesis is correct, then a fully decarbonized global political economy would require a 'Great Transformation,' or a structural transformation in the political-economic and military bases of world order. In particular, I suggest that this would require two conjoined transitions: 1) a transition towards a 'post-growth' global political economy, or an economy that does not depend on continuous annual increases in GDP; and 2) a shift towards 'demilitarization,' in the sense of 'leaner' low-energy force structures; weakening pressure for military arms racing; and a transformation in national security priorities to focus on climate mitigation, adaptation, and disaster response.

This essay will investigate the question of how the renewable energy (RE) transition may reshape world politics. To date, most IPE scholars of the RE transition assume that renewables will simply substitute for fossil fuels and thereby continue similar patterns of economic growth and military competition that have characterized world politics over the past two centuries. However, they do not systematically consider what I call the 'non-substitutability hypothesis,' or the view that renewables will be unable to substitute for many of the services that fossil fuels provide for economies and militaries. In contrast, I will argue that if the non-substitutability hypothesis is correct, then a fully decarbonized global political economy would require a 'Great Transformation,' or a structural transformation in the political-economic and military bases of world order. In particular, I suggest that this would require two conjoined transitions: 1) a transition towards a 'post-growth' global political economy, or an economy that does not depend on continuous annual increases in GDP; and 2) a shift towards 'demilitarization,' in the sense of 'leaner' low-energy force structures; weakening pressure for military arms racing; and a transformation in national security priorities to focus on climate mitigation, adaptation, and disaster response.

Today, the Islamic factor and its influence in the system international relations are growing. Analyses of the changes taking place in world politics show that one of the most The article is divided into two parts. The first part is related to the growing importance of the Islamic factor; the demographic growth of believers, the economic, scientific and political development of Muslim countries; the politicization of Islam and the recent events in the Arab countries. The second part describes the concept of geopolitics, various definitions of the Middle East countries by different political schools, and shows the position of the countries such as the United States, China and Russia, which play an important role in the geopolitical formation of the region. Over the past two centuries, the Middle East has been an important target of various external forces. The peculiarity of the geopolitical situation in the region is that external forces skillfully used religious denominations and interethnic contradictions in the region. Recently, the geopolitical and geoeconomic rivalry of these external forces in their own interests has aggravated the situation in the region. For examples, the Arab Spring, the armed conflict in Syria and Yemen, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and current relations between the United States and Iran

We describe how, during the 17th century, the business corporation gradually emerged in response to the need to lock in long-term capital to profit from trade opportunities with Asia. Since contractual commitments to lock in capital were not fully enforceable in partnerships, this evolution required a legal innovation, essentially granting the corporation a property right over capital. Locked-in capital exposed investors to a significant loss of control, and could only emerge where and when political institutions limited the risk of expropriation. The Dutch East India Company (VOC, chartered in 1602) benefited from the restrained executive power of the Dutch Republic and was the first business corporation with permanent capital. The English East India Company (EIC, chartered in 1600) kept the traditional cycle of liquidation and refinancing until, in 1657,the English Civil War put the crown under strong parliamentary control. We show how the time advantage in the organizational form had a profound effect on the ability of the two companies to make long-term investments and consequently on their relative performance, ensuring a Dutch head start in Asian trade that persisted for two centuries. We also show how other features of the corporate form emerged progressively once the capital became permanent. (JEL: G30, K22, N24).

The role of local governance in the political system is primarily seen in its relations to the central government. Liberal and democratic observers have presented two bases, upon which these relations have been developed as of the 19th century. First, the local governance is considered as an important factor in encouraging and educating participants in political life and as basis on which services are organized in order to satisfy local needs. Second, the local governance is seen as something rational in administrative point of view, since it ensures the effective performance of public services, where services are necessary under the central administration. If the historic point of view is taken into account, the development of local government in Kosovo has a tradition of two centuries. If the Constitution of the Ottoman Empire of 1876 is reviewed, it shows the pyramid of organization of local government in Kosovo, which was in fact inspired from the local government in the West. Speaking about local governance means slotting or reviewing a range of significant phenomena directly related to the destiny of the state.The local government, according to the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo, represents the public power. It sanctions municipalities as basic administrative and political units. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2016.v7n3p250

International audience ; This study is a legal analysis, objective and critical, of the first two republican Constitutions that followed the French Revolution and the end of the French monarchy. Under more than two centuries of French constitutional history, are examined the consistencies and inconsistencies that have marked these legal texts and their circumstances. Each Constitution appears in some aspects modern, but also in other aspects archaic. Nevertheless, the 1790s are the most fundamental point in modern history of the French public law. ; La présente étude est une analyse juridique, apolitique, objective et critique des deux premières Constitutions républicaines à avoir succédé à la Révolution française et à l'abolition, en 1792, de la monarchie. À l'aune des enseignements permis par plus de deux siècles d'histoire constitutionnelle, sont soulignés les moments de lucidité et d'égarement institutionnels qui ont marqué ces textes ainsi que leurs contextes, leurs esprits et leurs réalités. Chacun apparaît, sous certains aspects, moderne, mais aussi, sous de nombreux autres, archaïque, que ce soit dans sa lettre ou dans sa pratique. Cela ne retire évidemment rien au fait que la décennie 1790 est le moment le plus fondateur (en ce qu'il est premier) de l'histoire moderne du droit public, donc le plus infiniment digne d'intérêt.

International audience ; This study is a legal analysis, objective and critical, of the first two republican Constitutions that followed the French Revolution and the end of the French monarchy. Under more than two centuries of French constitutional history, are examined the consistencies and inconsistencies that have marked these legal texts and their circumstances. Each Constitution appears in some aspects modern, but also in other aspects archaic. Nevertheless, the 1790s are the most fundamental point in modern history of the French public law. ; La présente étude est une analyse juridique, apolitique, objective et critique des deux premières Constitutions républicaines à avoir succédé à la Révolution française et à l'abolition, en 1792, de la monarchie. À l'aune des enseignements permis par plus de deux siècles d'histoire constitutionnelle, sont soulignés les moments de lucidité et d'égarement institutionnels qui ont marqué ces textes ainsi que leurs contextes, leurs esprits et leurs réalités. Chacun apparaît, sous certains aspects, moderne, mais aussi, sous de nombreux autres, archaïque, que ce soit dans sa lettre ou dans sa pratique. Cela ne retire évidemment rien au fait que la décennie 1790 est le moment le plus fondateur (en ce qu'il est premier) de l'histoire moderne du droit public, donc le plus infiniment digne d'intérêt.

In this paper the term 'globalisation' means the international integration of nationally organised markets in conjunction with increasing cross-country flows of factors of production. According to this globalisation has been under way for centuries. Globalisation is not a completely autonomous, not even a solely market driven process. Historically, it is for the most part determined by decisions of nation states. In times of globalisation speeding up, typically social and political debates start about the driving forces, extent and impact of globalisation. Already two centuries ago, globalisation has been discussed in a similar way as today. Initially, there is a debate about the organisation of the foreign trade regime. Because change of social and economic structures is an integral part of globalisation, the debate about the impact of structural change is constituent in globalisation discourses. Winners and losers of the structural change try to improve their social position through foreign trade policy. These two levels of globalisation discourses are usually distorted by the argument that globalisation and the induced change of societal structures provoke adverse effects on the prevailing system of values. Because of this the globalisation discourse becomes a matter of emotion and disproportionately complex. The paper demonstrates the three levels of a typical globalisation discourse by using three examples. First, the actual globalisation discourse will be discussed. Second, in Germany at the beginning of the 20th century globalisation has been hotly debated under the heading "agrarian versus industrial state". Third, the typical globalisation discourse can also be outlined by the dispute about the reform policy in Prussia in the early 19th century.

Hungary and Mexico have mutually beneficial political, economic, and cultural ties. The bilateral relations enriched both countries during the last two centuries of shared history. We apply case study and quantitative analyses to explore the evolving relations between the two countries. Political and diplomatic relations intensified in the last decades and global trade and capital flows brought benefits for both countries. We found that the mutually beneficial, win-win cooperation of the two countries underpin the complex interdependence theory of international relations. Our findings also corroborate the validity of the relative and absolute gains theory for the Mexican-Hungarian relations. ; Hungría y México tienen vínculos políticos, económicos y culturales mutuamente beneficiosos. Las relaciones bilaterales enriquecieron a ambos países durante los dos últimos siglos de historia compartida. Aplicamos estudios de caso y análisis cuantitativos para explorar la evolución de las relaciones entre los dos países. Las relaciones políticas y diplomáticas se intensificaron en las últimas décadas y el comercio mundial y los flujos de capital trajeron beneficios para ambos países. Descubrimos que la cooperación mutuamente beneficiosa (win-win) de los dos países sustenta la compleja teoría de la interdependencia de las relaciones internacionales. Nuestros hallazgos también corroboran la validez de la teoría de las ganancias relativas y absolutas para las relaciones entre México y Hungría.

В статье описана динамика лексических пластов русского военного дискурса XIX начала XX века как целостной языковой системы и проиллюстрирован процесс развития лексического состава дискурса. Автор приходит к выводу, что на протяжении двух веков, с одной стороны, общевоенные номинации закрепляются в системе языка, с другой стороны, информативный фон текстов военной тематики поддерживается увеличением роли новой специальной терминологии. Основная тенденция изменения языкового наполнения речи военных это тенденция к увеличению информационной насыщенности речи, в которой исчезают усложняющие речь и смысл компоненты, и наоборот, внесение в высказывания военных моносемичных единиц. ; This article describes the dynamics of lexical strata of the Russian military discourse of the 19 th the early 20 th centuries as a complete language system and illustrated the process of dynamics of the lexical contents of the discourse. The author comes to the conclusion that for two centuries, on the one hand, observance nominations are fixed in the language system, on the other hand, informative background of the texts of military subjects is supported by a more important role of the new terminology. The dynamic process in the Russian language lead to elimination of unnecessary words, if they are not fully complete on the meaning level and hinder the discourse. The main tendency in the change of the speech by military people is the tendency to make your speech most informative, in which the components that make it unnecessarily complex fall out.

Este artículo aborda el tema de la conflictividad entre obispados y órdenes militares, concretado en el caso de los problemas existentes entre el importante arzobispado de Toledo y la Orden Militar de Calatrava a partir del siglo XII. La cuestión ha sido tratada en el pasado, pero aquí se profundizará en algunos aspectos más allá de los términos del conflicto y de las concordias suscritas entre ambas entidades: la especial atención al territorio del Sur del Reino de Toledo; los fundamentos de los litigios, teniendo en cuenta la progresiva construcción histórica de los ámbitos de expansión de los dos actores en conflicto, y el cuestionamiento de la legitimidad calatrava para acometer su actuación eclesiástica. ; This paper explores conflicts between bishoprics and military orders, specifically the disputes between the archbishopric of Toledo and the Military Order of Calatrava from the 12th century onwards. This topic has been addressed in earlier scholarship, but this paper looks beyond the nature of the conflict and the agreements signed between the two parties to explore the attention given to the territory in the south of the kingdom of Toledo and the origins of the disputes, taking into account the progressive historical construction of the areas of expansion by the two parties and the questioning of Calatrava's legitimacy in undertaking ecclesiastical actions.

The Venezuelan Constitution of 1999, a constitutional cycle of almost two centuries, is the most fearless, complete and renewed in the treatment of fundamental rights, both in its design and structure, and in the extent of protected rights, and in this sense, we can understand as especially relevant aspects, both the broad constitutional recognition of rights as the institutions and mechanisms of protection and assurance that you create in order to the effectiveness of these rights. However, the theoretical rights and freedoms, and their constitutional guarantees treatment, is not characterized political reality, on the one hand, by a model of confusion and interference of powers which makes the principle of legality and judicial independence guarantees empty content, and on the other by a State intervention without limits in the life of the citizens. ; La Constitución venezolana de 1999, que cierra un ciclo constitucional de casi dos siglos, es la más avanzada, completa y renovada en el tratamiento de los derechos fundamentales, tanto en su concepción y estructura, como en la extensión de los derechos tutelados, y en este sentido, podemos entender como aspectos especialmente relevantes, tanto el amplio reconocimiento constitucional de los derechos, como las instituciones y mecanismos de protección y garantía que se crean en orden a la eficacia de esos derechos. No obstante, el tratamiento teórico de los derechos y libertades, y de sus garantías constitucionales, no se corresponde con la realidad política, caracterizada, por un lado, por un modelo de confusión e interferencia de poderes que hace del principio de legalidad y de la independencia judicial garantías vacías de contenido, y por otro, por un intervencionismo estatal sin límites en la vida de los ciudadanos.The Venezuelan Constitution of 1999, a constitutional cycle of almost two centuries, is the most fearless, complete and renewed in the treatment of fundamental rights, both in its design and structure, and in the extent of protected rights, and in this sense, we can understand as especially relevant aspects, both the broad constitutional recognition of rights as the institutions and mechanisms of protection and assurance that you create in order to the effectiveness of these rights. However, the theoretical rights and freedoms, and their constitutional guarantees treatment, is not characterized political reality, on the one hand, by a model of confusion and interference of powers which makes the principle of legality and judicial independence guarantees empty content, and on the other by a State intervention without limits in the life of the citizens.

This paper studies the debate about the domain of the seas in the 16th and 17th centuries in the Spanish empire. We can find two branches, that of scholastic authors such as Francisco de Vitoria (1483 or 1486-1546) or Fernando Vázquez de Menchaca (1512-1569) who used property theory to defend the freedom of the seas regardless of the political and commercial interests of his nation. But we will also see other authors who adapted their doctrine for the political benefit of the empire and built a theory against the demands of freedom in the oceans of rival nations. Within this last group, this paper finds the work of Nicolás Bonaert (1564- ¿), a Jesuit who prepared the first known answer to Mare Liberum by Hugo Grocio. ; Este artículo estudia el debate sobre el dominio de los mares en los siglos XVI y XVII en el imperio español. Encontramos dos vertientes, la de autores escolásticos como Francisco de Vitoria (1483 o 1486 -1546) o Fernando Vázquez de Menchaca (1512-1569) que utilizaron la teoría de la propiedad para defender la libertad de los mares al margen de los intereses políticos y comerciales de su nación. Pero también veremos a otros autores que adecuaron su doctrina para el provecho político del imperio y construyeron una teoría en contra de las demandas de libertad en los océanos de las naciones rivales. Dentro de este último grupo, este artículo descubre la obra de Nicolás Bonaert (1564- ¿), un jesuita que elaboró la primera contestación conocida a Mare Liberum de Hugo Grocio.

[only abstract in English; full article and abstract in Lithuanian] This article discusses the future prospects of nations and nation states in the era of globalization by critically analyzing the theoretical justifications of the philosophical idea that one of the inevitable consequences of globalization is a gradual disintegration of nations and nation states. The origins of this idea are traced back to the political theory of Immanuel Kant, particularly to Kant's vision of a cosmopolitan, civil society and the concept of the worldwide confederation of republican states. The article introduces an argument that the position that Kant's vision of the civil society and confederation of states is internally incoherent and utopian, and it should be viewed as a normative moral and political ideal (or, in Kantian terms, a maxim of the practical historical reason that every human being should strive for) rather than as a theoretically coherent and justified political project. This normative ideal of modernity is viewed as the driving force of history, since it facilitates attempts to implement it in practice and achieve the end result – a peaceful, global civil society. In such a state of peaceful coexistence, the nation, as a form of political organization, loses its relevance, and the nation state gets replaced by a cosmopolitan confederation of republican states.The modern vision of a cosmopolitan and apolitical global order is viewed as one of the most important ideas of political philosophy, which has a tremendous influence on the history and geopolitical development of the modern world. It is shown that, for over two centuries, this idea has been both a theoretical and an ideological inspiration for global governance projects. The article suggests that a conceptual "overlap" between the two conceptions of a nation – the traditional natural law and the modern constructivist one – may have been one of the primary reasons of why this idea has retained philosophical and political significance for over two centuries. The article defends the view that this conceptual confusion led to a theoretically and empirically unjustified conviction that the disintegration of nations and nation states will be an inevitable outcome of the development of the modern world, and that this conviction facilitates further political experiments aimed at realizing the utopian apolitical society. ; [straipsnis ir santrauka lietuvių kalba; santrauka anglų kalba] Straipsnyje svarstoma tautos ir nacionalinės valstybės būklė ir ateities perspektyvos šių dienų globalizacijos sąlygomis. Teoriniu ir metodologiniu aspektu analizuojama ir kritiškai vertinama šiuolaikinėje politinėje teorijoje įsitvirtinusi idėja, kad tauta ir nacionalinė valstybė kaip jos politinės organi­zacijos forma yra pasmerktos išnykti. Aptariant šios idėjos ištakas ir genezę moderniojoje politinėje filosofijoje atskleidžiama, kad tai yra teoriškai ne­pagrindžiama normatyvinė idėja, arba praktiškai neįgyvendinamas utopinis moralinis ir politinis idealas.