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Our research in the South Korean daily life have led us again to explicitly served typologies. As architects particularly the three clearly articulated living types we noticed - radically from each other delimiting blueprints regarding scale, materiality and understanding of space. Adapted from the source document.

The research field of regime theory has seen a proliferation of different approaches and typologies to explain the ever-changing reality. This paper has created a typology of these regime typologies and their respective datasets in order to describe and analyze their various merits for research. Finally this paper maps various typologies according to their most common research areas. The aim is to maximize the application potential each of specific typology, highlight their limits and aid scholars in their selection of typologies for qualitative or quantitative research in order to get a better understanding of democratization processes or regime theories. ; W dziedzinie badań poświęconych teorii reżimów występuje znaczne zróżnicowanie podejść oraz typologii stawiających sobie za cel wyjaśnienie dynamicznie zmieniającej się rzeczywistości. Zamierzeniem autora niniejszego artykułu było zaproponowanie własnej typologii obejmującej istniejące już typologie, co z kolei posłużyło do opisania i analizy wartości badawczej tychże typologii oraz powiązanych z nimi baz danych. Pozwoliło to na wskazanie relacji między opisanymi typologiami i określenie ich miejsca we właściwych im polach badawczych. Celem tego działania jest dokonanie refleksji nad stosowalnością poszczególnych typologii, pokazanie ich ograniczeń oraz ułatwienie wyboru między nimi badaczom zajmującym się analizą procesów demokratycznych oraz teorią reżimów politycznych, z zastosowaniem zarówno jakościowych, jak i ilościowych metod badawczych.

Reviewing recent literature on the nature of crime reveals the necessity for transferring theoretical emphasis from broad classes of behavior to unitary concepts &, thus, directing attention 'toward the creation of analytical types of crime within the larger category, be the larger category defined by criminal law or by conduct norms.' The functioning of, & need for, the analytical approach is illustrated by res into 4 types (active, inactive, passive, aggressive) of slayers & of victims in Fort Worth, Tex, 1946-50. It is concluded that, 'although the practice of defining crime in legal terms rather than conduct norms should be continued, the legalistic approach will have to be supplemented with typological analysis.' M. Duke.

This article positions types at the center of anthropological knowledge production, considering them both from the abstract, analytical perspective of expert typologies and from the tacit, phenomenological perspective of everyday practices of typification. Proposing what an "anthropology of types," broadly construed and across these two scales, might look like, I examine the histories and uses of types and typological thinking in anthropology, highlighting the empirical, analytical, methodological, ethical, and political questions they have raised. I then describe the phenomenological foundations of typification, how sociocultural and linguistic anthropologists have approached it, and the accompanying challenges related to translation and representation. Finally, I review ethnographies of expert practices of type production, tracing the circuit of typification–typology–type and back again to show how forms of expertise institutionalize lay knowledge in ways that further solidify the misrecognition of types as natural, and examine visual and arts-based interventions that draw attention to these processes.

From the point of view of Durkheim, institutions are ways of acting, feeling and thinking, expressing any social act. Institutions have stringent action on the individual, have its own existence, independent of individual manifestations, which are distinctive for a given group, being accepted by all members. Types of social institutions are economic institutions, educational, political, cultural and family. Within institutions, communication is an inherent phenomenon.For Katz and Kahn "communication is a social process of great relevance to the functioning of each group, organization or society," the very essence of the social system or organization. The organizational structure provides stability for human communication and facilitates administrative tasks. (Rogers Everett M. and Agarwala-Rogers Rekha, 1976, p. 6). Therefore, an effective institutional communication adds value to any institution.