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Cover -- THE STONEWALL RIOTS -- Title -- Copyright -- CONTENTS -- INTRODUCTION -- PART I. BEFORE STONEWALL, 1965-1969 -- ONE. GAY BARS AND ANTIGAY POLICING -- 1 "Bridge to Understanding," Eastern Mattachine Magazine. -- 2 "On Gay Bars," Drum. -- 3 "After the Ball," The Ladder. -- 4 "A Brief of Injustices," ONE. -- 5 "L.A. Cops, Gay Groups Seek Peace," The Los Angeles Advocate. -- 6 Editorial, Daughters of Bilitis Philadelphia Newsletter. -- 7 "Anatomy of a Raid," The Los Angeles Advocate. -- 8 "Bathhouse Raided," Mattachine Society of New York Newsletter. -- 9 "Grim Reapings-Coast to Coast," Mattachine Society of New York Newsletter. -- 10 "Gay Party at Police Station," Mattachine Society of New York Newsletter. -- 11 "The Wicker Report," Eastern Mattachine Magazine. -- 12 "Cross-Currents," The Ladder. -- 13 "Entrapment Attacked," The Ladder. -- 14 "Mafia Control of Gay Bars," The New York Hymnal. -- 15 "Editorial: You're an Accomplice!," The Los Angeles Advocate. -- 16 Inman v. Miami. -- 17 One Eleven Wines & -- Liquors v. Division of Alcoholic Beverage Control. -- 18 In the Matter of Kerma Restaurant Corporation v. State Liquor Authority. -- TWO. ACTIVIST AGENDAS AND VISIONS BEFORE STONEWALL -- 19 "The Year Ahead: A Forecast," Mattachine Review. -- 20 "Does Research into Homosexuality Matter?," The Ladder. -- 21 "Research Is Here to Stay," The Ladder. -- 22 "Positive Policy," Eastern Mattachine Magazine. -- 23 "Editorial: On Picketing," Eastern Mattachine Magazine. -- 24 East Coast Homophile Organizations, July Fourth demonstration flier. -- 25 Editorial, ONE. -- 26 "Interview with Ernestine," The Ladder. -- 27 "The Homophile Puzzle," Drum. -- 28 "Finding defects . . . ," Janus Society Newsletter. -- 29 "President's Corner," Vector. -- 30 "A Challenge to San Francisco," The Ladder. -- 31 "Homosexual Bill of Rights," The Los Angeles Advocate.

The interview that follows revisits some of the theses developed by Alain Badiou concerning the revolts of the Arab Spring in his 2011 book Le Réveil de l'Histoire in light of subsequent events. The interview touches on a number of themes, including the relation between recent revolts and the on-going global economic crisis, and the way the reconfiguration of global value circuits impacts upon both tactical and strategic questions for rioters in Europe, North America and beyond. It also examines the way an analysis of the class composition of those involved in contemporary mass movements offers keys to understanding their failures and successes.

Although social scientists have sought to understand riots in terms of social structure, few causal explanations have withstood the tests of ongoing empirical examination. In America, presidential commissions sought to put the black urban riots of the mid‐sixties in a similar context. Despite the laudable attempts at deriving benign policy implications from such explanations, the commissions' explanations were no better than the social science of the time. Understanding the causal basis of riots has been elusive, but our understanding of riots as problems of crisis management has been far more reachable. A comparison of two Los Angeles riots, Watts 1965, and the Rodney King riots of 1992, shows that the intensity, spread and duration of the riots were a function of crisis paralysis. We might not know, in any scientific sense, what causes riots but we appear to know a great deal about the consequences of not appropriately preparing for or managing riots. These are the lessons of both Los Angeles riots.

This book offers a new and fresh approach to understanding social movements. It provides interdisciplinary perspectives on social and cultural protest and contentious politics. It considers major theories and concepts, which are presented in an accessible and engaging format. Historical and contemporary case studies and examples from a variety of different countries are provided throughout, including the American civil rights movement, Greenpeace, Pussy Riot, indigenous peoples movements, liberation theology, Occupy, Tea Party, and the Arab Spring.The book presents specific chapters outlining

This book offers a new and fresh approach to understanding social movements. It provides interdisciplinary perspectives on social and cultural protest and contentious politics. It considers major theories and concepts, which are presented in an accessible and engaging format. Historical and contemporary case studies and examples from a variety of different countries are provided throughout, including the American civil rights movement, Greenpeace, Pussy Riot, indigenous peoples movements, liberation theology, Occupy, Tea Party, and the Arab Spring. The book presents specific chapters outlining.

This paper takes up Avtar Brah's (1999) invitation to write back to the issues she raises in her mapping of the production of gendered, classed and racialised subjectivities in west London. It addresses two topics that, together, illuminate racialised and gendered interpellation and psychosocial processes. The paper is divided into two main sections. The first draws on empirical research on the transition to motherhood conducted in east London to consider one mother's experience of giving birth in the local maternity hospital. The maternity ward constituted a site where racialised difference became salient, leading her to construct her maternal identity by asserting her difference from Bangladeshi mothers and so self-racialising, as well as 'othering' Bangladeshi mothers. The paper analyses the ways in which her biography may help to explain why her experience of the maternity hospital interpellates her into racialised positioning. The second section focuses on media responses to the riots in various English cities in August 2011. It examines the ways in which some media punditry racialised the riots and inclusion in the British postcolonial nation. The paper analyses three sets of commentaries and illuminates the ways in which they racialise the debate in essentialising ways, reproducing themes that were identified in the 1980s as 'new racism' and apportioning blame for the riots to 'black gangster culture'. While these media pronouncements focus on racialisation, they are intersectional in implicitly also invoking gender and social class. The paper argues that the understanding of the mother's self-racialisation is deepened by a consideration of the racialised discourses that can be evoked (and are contested) in periods of social unrest. The paper thus draws on part of the methodology of 'The Scent of Memory' in layering media readings and biographical narratives to analyse the contemporary psychosocial space of racialisation.

Vor 20 Jahren erschütterten die Chaostage die Messestadt Hannover. In den bis dato schwersten Auseinandersetzungen der bundesdeutschen Nachtkriegsgeschichte, brachte eine subkulturelle Strömung aus Punks, Skinheads und anderen, die Ordnungsvorstellung der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft ins Wanken. Die Chaostage heute noch einmal als riot zu betrachten, öffnet den Blick auf ihre materielle und mediale Wirkung. Dabei wird deutlich, wie eine Unruhe Sinnzusammenbrüche der lebensweltlich erfahrbaren sozialen Ordnung verursacht. Diese Sinnentleerung motivierte infolge der Chaostage 1995 eine mediale Mobilmachung, um neuen Sinn zuzuschreiben und zu verstehen, was auf der Straße faktisch passiert war. Der riot wurde dabei mit seiner eigenen Spektakularität konfrontiert, er wurde fremddefiniert und somit den Beteiligten eine eigene Darlegung ihres Handelns verwehrt. Die Punks griffen diesen Punkt auf und hielten der medialen Hysterie ihr karnevaleskes Zerrbild entgegen. ; Twenty years ago, the so-called Chaos days shattered the city of Hannover. In the most intense civil commotions since World War II, a subcultural mélange of punks, skinheads and other factions damaged the public understanding of social order. To analyze the Chaos days in the context of an emerging riots discourse opens perspectives for material and media-related effects. Moreover it focuses on riots as disturbances and ruptures of social order perceived in the lifeworld. This is a breakdown of social sense. Because it is not immediately possible to make sense of a riot, the media began – in the case of the Chaos days – to fill the fissures, it had created. The media named, defined and pursued the genuinely modern goal of verstehen. Riots are often defined and filled with sense by society and its spectacle, not by the rioter themselves. Chaos days picked up this point in a karnevalesk way: They confronted the public with an own interpretation and a distorted picture of public hysteria.

In August 2011, England experienced the most serious rioting since 30 years. The unrest started two days after the fatal police shooting of Mark Duggan in Tottenham and quickly spread to other cities. This article opens with a brief sketch of the recent history of rioting in England from 1980-2010 and a comparison of previous riots with the ones in 2011. Subsequently, a more extensive overview of the current state of research focusing on triggers and structural roots of the 2011 riots and a local case study of Greater Manchester are presented. It is argued that broader social reasons (e .g . deprivation), consumerism, policing, male behavior and racialised conflicts constitute the overall causes for the latest riots. Moreover, the article looks at the riots in the context of class. Unlike the well-known 'underclass' discourse, the article applies a non-pejorative understanding of class: From this perspective, the 2011 riots are interpreted as a symptom of an ongoing fragmentation of social conflicts. Wide ranges of people are no longer represented by organizations like unions nor do they trust in welfare or state institutions or organise in conventional ways. This results in non-normative collective action beyond established institutions as well as new forms of how class struggles and social conflicts articulate themselves.

In August 2011, severe social unrest came to several English cities for about 30 years. For five consecutive days and nights young adults fought street battles with the police and numerous shops were plundered; between 13,000-15,000 people participated, five were killed. The official policy reacted predominantly with a mixture of criminalization and depoliticization: Prime Minister Cameron characterized the riots as as 'criminality, pure and simple'. Adapted from the source document.

The present article analyses Jeremy Deller's artwork, "The Battle of Orgreave" (2001), as an aggravation of the special aesthetic qualities of riot control technology at the intersection of emotion (fear, horror) and politics. The article describes a history of riot control technology that takes place against the background of a crisis. Concepts such as security and the defence of social order have been the subject of reinterpretation since the 1960s. Central to understanding the negotiation of these terms is the concept of "policing the crisis," which was developed at the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, a research centre at the University of Birmingham, England, in the late 1970s. The article brings together findings from different disciplines and discusses the state institution of the police as the result of a liberal discourse. Part of this reinterpretation of the police shows that the agendas of riot control passed from the military to the police in the long nineteenth century. Riot control technology itself (e.g. tear gas) became a signifier of protests in the twentieth century. By starting with an artwork, the article asks specifically how riot control technology diffuses into the cultural sphere (music videos, art, etc.) and what influences there are on both the political and technological levels.

The difficulty of satisfying competing needs of both national and sub-national officials and commanders for intelligence support capabilities that are too sensitive and expensive to duplicate for both sets of requirements emerged with the growth of industrial-scale imagery and signals intelligence assets and production during the Cold War. The literature of intelligence history and intelligence studies covers the symptoms of this problem, but says less a rigorous and well-documented nature on its causes. Thanks to recent declassifications in the United States, however, we can now read key documents in an American attempt to understand and deal with the dilemma. A study prepared for President Richard Nixon in 1971 and now dubbed the 'Schlesinger Report' has been published virtually intact by the US Department of State. In addition, the Central Intelligence Agency has released two official histories which indirectly have added significant detail to the story. With these new releases, it is now possible to explain the genesis of the Report and chart its effects through the remainder of President Nixon's presidency. The Schlesinger Report marked a watershed for the intelligence community, helping the Nixon Administration to conceive and enact reforms that were both consequential in themselves and presaged the findings of later surveys and inquiries. A better understanding of the Report's background, text, and results can shed light not only the policymaking process in the Nixon Administration but also the trajectory of the intelligence community-and of foreign intelligence establishments that may, in some respects, be following in its path. Adapted from the source document.

This article argues that though communal riots bring different experiences for men and women, yet this reality does not seem to be recognized by post-riot justice mechanisms. Justice post-riots is viewed as a 'blanket' term for all the victims irrespective of their gender. In so doing, women's everyday experiences seem to get pushed under the carpet. Drawing from feminist critique of the legalistic approach to justice, this article problematizes the understanding that there is only one singular, official version of truth in post-riot situations. The article critically examines post-riot judicial commissions that were constituted to inquire into the Mumbai (1992–1993) and Gujarat (2002) riots from a feminist perspective. I argue that the judicial inquiry commissions in their current format are underequipped to deal with gender concerns that emerge after communal riots. And that there is a need for feminist security studies to venture into critically analyzing judicial inquiry commissions.