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AbstractBangladesh faces many climate‐driven hazards due to its geophysical position and is more vulnerable than most developing countries. The natural resources‐based livelihood of the riverine island (char) dwellers is frequently hampered by the adverse effect of environmental changes. This study intends to assess the status of environmental governance for protecting disaster‐prone communities in Bangladesh. Geographically isolated disaster‐prone riverine island areas of northern Bangladesh have been purposively selected for this study. A qualitative method has been applied to explore the extent of governmental intervention. The intervention of environmental governance has been measured by assessing the role of government in disaster management by engaging with a state, market, and community for char community. In addition, secondary data were used to substantiate the argument. This study reveals that environmental governance initiatives are not enough to protect char dwellers from frequent hazards and fail to ensure livelihood resilience. The status of environmental governance in char areas is very poor, weak, inactive, and unable to address the present problem and future challenges. The article suggests that a comprehensive disaster management strategy should be implemented in the char areas through strengthening local government capacity.

Recent literature on urban governance has focused predominantly on cities with effective partnerships between business and local government. Increased attention to the role played by such partnerships in the creation of local governing capacity has changed the way that most contemporary urban theorists understand community power. In place of the Weberian model emphasizing the use of power for social control purposes, urban-regime theorists view power in terms of its capacity to accomplish goals— power to instead of power over. This article examines development policy in postwar Milwaukee during a period in which a business-government partnership failed to materialize. I argue that the absence of business-government cooperation placed a distinctive imprint on local power relations. Power in postwar Milwaukee is best understood through a multidimensional approach that incorporates both Weberian and contemporary approaches to the study of community power.

Introduction: a short positioning (referring Climurb and Change2sustain, and Climurb International Workshop) and chapter overview / Michaela Hordijk, Manoj Roy, David Hulme and Sally Cawood -- The lived experience of climate change impacts and adaptation in low income settlements / Manoj Roy, David Hulme, Michaela Hordijk and Sally Cawood -- Generations of migrants and natures of slums : distress, vulnerability and a lower middle-class in Bengaluru, India / M.S. Sriram and Anirudh Krishna -- Emerging practices of community adaptation within innovative water and climate change policies in Durban, South Africa / Catherine Sutherland, Michaela Hordijk and Dianne Scott -- A built environment perspective on adaptation in urban informal settlements, Khulna, Bangladesh / Afroza Parvin, Ashraful Alam, and Rumana Asad -- Health implications of climate change for dwellers of low-income settlements in Tanzania / Iddi Mwanyoka, Kelvin Haule, Riziki Shemdoe and Manoj Roy -- Urban livelihoods in an era of climate change : household adaptations and their limitations in Dhaka, Bangladesh / Nicola Banks -- Facing the floods : community responses to increased rainfall in Guarulhos, Brazil and Arequipa, Peru / Michaela A. Hordijk, Francine Van Den Brandeler and Maria Evangelina Fillipi -- From asset vulnerability to asset planning : negotiating climate change adaptation solutions in an informal settlement in Cartagena, Colombia / Alfredo Stein and Caroline Moser -- Climate change and water scarcity : implications for the urban poor in coastal Bangladesh / Aftab Opel -- Innovation in the context of climate change : what is happening in India's informal economy? / Barbara Harriss-White and Gilbert Rodrigo -- Can asset transfer promote adaptation amongst the extreme urban poor? Lessons from the DSK-Shiree programme in Dhaka, Bangladesh / Syed Hashemi, Sally Cawood, Noara Razzak, Mamun Ur Rashid and Manoj Roy -- Redefining risk from below : political responses to landslide risk assessments in the informal settlements of Bogota, Colombia / Arabella Fraser -- Mobilising adaptation : community knowledge and urban governance innovations in Indore, India / Eric K Chu -- Conclusion: Re-conceptualising adaptation and comparing experiences / David Hulme, Manoj Roy, Michaela Hordijk and Sally Cawood

AbstractResidents of informal settlements worldwide face challenges defending their land tenure. In contexts with overlapping systems of governance these challenges are even more complex and claims to land tenure more precarious. How do heterogeneous systems of governance, a characteristic of some global South megacities, affect evictions? This article presents an in‐depth case study of the informal Otodo Gbame waterfront settlement's struggle to defend its customary land tenure through multiple authorities in Lagos, Nigeria. The analysis reveals how a heterogeneous system of governance disempowers citizens by obscuring the locus of power and creating confusion when communities make claims on the state. Communities find themselves claiming rights to the city that receive varying degrees of recognition from the many authorities within the heterogeneous system. In Lagos, the state weaponizes this heterogeneous system in pursuit of modern development and urban growth.

The prevailing discourse on local governance is that local authorities are subordinate both to central government and to a plethora of local partners. While Manchester City Council (MCC) remains subordinate to central government, its status enables it to exert influence over the urban domain within its boundaries and to act as an intermediate organization between its local partners and the core executive in Whitehall. This reflects the influence that MCC has been able to maintain over the process of urban regeneration within its territory despite the other structures involved, and the creation of the Urban Regeneration Company (URC) of New East Manchester (NEM). MCC may possess singular characteristics but its political style of `community leadership' need not be unique. While the local state has ceded some of its activities to other agencies in this time of multi-level governance it still enjoys a powerful overarching control that can be characterized as metagovernance.

Cover -- Half Title -- Series -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of tables -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- Part 1, The neoliberal city: reloaded. -- 1 Smart cities -- 2 The neoliberal 'smart city' -- 3 Post-political governance and data ethics -- 4 Citizenship and citizens -- 5 Living Labs and the city -- Part 2, Cities on the move: an outlook on policies, processes, and practices -- 6 Provincialising the 'smart city' -- 7 Towards a public service Internet? -- 8 Sociotechnical capital and trust between urban commons and commoning -- 9 Conclusion: do we need the 'smart city' after all? -- References -- Index.

Set in the context of a growing trend toward increased privatization, changes in information technology and telecommunications infrastructure pose both challenges and opportunities for economic development. These developments have led to an emergent telecommunications-oriented strategic approach to urban planning. It is increasingly common that these policies couple urban media strategies with urban-wide economic development strategies together into one 'high-tech' economic development package. Under the rubric of 'urban telecommunications-oriented planning' strategies, the problem with these policies is when they are often viewed as new technological 'quick fix' solutions to complex urban problems. This thesis examines the potential for 'high-tech' economic development strategies as a catalyst for redevelopment, and their implications for the role of local government and non-profit organizations. In what is an overall trend toward privatization or the outsourcing of traditional municipal services, it will (1) illustrate how industry and government have undergone an 'entrepreneurial shift,' and (2) identify how this trend, concomitant with changes in information technology and telecommunications infrastructure, poses both challenges and opportunities for economic development. Finally, it will (3) define what role local government must take as entrepreneurial planners.

AbstractNeoliberal urban environmental governance is premised in part on the development of collaborative arrangements between state and non‐state actors through which residents in informal settlements are encouraged to participate in their own governance. The neoliberal rationality of participation is implemented through governmental techniques such as responsibilization, whereby residents are rendered responsible for provision of basic environmental services previously seen as the responsibility of government authorities. However, neoliberal urban governance is incomplete, fragmented and fractured, affording room for maneuvering and innovative social agency, whereby residents mimic, reinterpret, negotiate and contest neoliberal subject formations. In this article, we discuss how engaged scholarship can facilitate such alternative productions of neoliberal subjectivities through the development of 'knowledge encounters'. We draw on cases of solid waste management and environmental risk governance in the informal settlements of Los Platanitos, Santo Domingo Norte, Dominican Republic, and Gaviotas Sur, Villahermosa, Mexico, to suggest that knowledge encounters facilitated through engaged ethnography furnish stages for alternative conceptions of responsibility, whereby residents negotiate neoliberal techniques of governance through diverse forms of acquiescence, reconfiguration and contestation.

ObjectiveDuring the 1970s and 1980s in the U.S., population movement, urban sprawl and urban governance reform led to a proliferation of local, autonomous jurisdictions. Prior literature examines how this creation of local governments, also referred to as political fragmentation, contributes to economic growth and social inequality. We examine the impact of political fragmentation on health equity by testing the hypothesis that the mortality disparity between whites and African-Americans varies positively with political fragmentation.MethodsWe retrieved mortality data from the multiple cause-of-death file and calculated total number of local governments per 1000 residents in a county to measure the degree of political fragmentation. We focused on 226 U.S. counties with population size greater than 200,000 and restricted the analysis to four distinct periods with overlapping government and mortality data (1972-73, 1977-78, 1982-83, and 1987-88). We applied generalized estimating equation methods that permit analysis of clustered data over time. Methods also controlled for the age structure of the population, reductions in mortality over time, and confounding by county-level sociodemographic variables.ResultsAdjusted coefficients of fragmentation are positive and statistically significant for both whites (coef: 2.60, SE: 0.60, p<0.001) and African-Americans (coef: 5.31, SE: 1.56, p<0.001). The two-fold larger positive coefficient for African-Americans than for whites indicates a greater racial disparity in mortality among more politically fragmented urban counties and/or time periods.ConclusionsFrom 1972 to 1988, political fragmentation in large urban counties moves positively with the racial/ethnic gap in mortality between whites and African-Americans. We discuss intervening mechanisms through which political fragmentation may disproportionately affect mortality among African-Americans.

Objective:During the 1970s and 1980s in the U.S., population movement, urban sprawl and urban governance reform led to a proliferation of local, autonomous jurisdictions. Prior literature examines how this creation of local governments, also referred to as political fragmentation, contributes to economic growth and social inequality. We examine the impact of political fragmentation on health equity by testing the hypothesis that the mortality disparity between whites and African-Americans varies positively with political fragmentation. Methods:We retrieved mortality data from the multiple cause-of-death file and calculated total number of local governments per 1000 residents in a county to measure the degree of political fragmentation. We focused on 226 U.S. counties with population size greater than 200,000 and restricted the analysis to four distinct periods with overlapping government and mortality data (1972-73, 1977-78, 1982-83, and 1987-88). We applied generalized estimating equation methods that permit analysis of clustered data over time. Methods also controlled for the age structure of the population, reductions in mortality over time, and confounding by county-level sociodemographic variables. Results:Adjusted coefficients of fragmentation are positive and statistically significant for both whites (coef: 2.60, SE: 0.60, p<0.001) and African-Americans (coef: 5.31, SE: 1.56, p<0.001). The two-fold larger positive coefficient for African-Americans than for whites indicates a greater racial disparity in mortality among more politically fragmented urban counties and/or time periods. Conclusions:From 1972 to 1988, political fragmentation in large urban counties moves positively with the racial/ethnic gap in mortality between whites and African-Americans. We discuss intervening mechanisms through which political fragmentation may disproportionately affect mortality among African-Americans.

In this paper we develop new insights on science governance at a time when an emphasis on public engagement in responding to questions of trust in science is giving way to a more systemic and networked perspective. In a meta-analysis across seventeen UK public dialogue processes we identify five spheres of public concern about the governance of science and technology relating to: the purposes of science; trust; inclusion; speed and direction of innovation; and equity. Forty in-depth interviews with senior UK science-policy actors reveal highly partial institutional responses to these concerns and help explain the underlying processes that close down, and at times open up, reflection and response on public values. Finally, we consider the implications of this analysis for the future of science governance, prospects for more anticipatory, reflexive, and inclusive forms of governing, and the roles for critical social science inquiry.

After 2010, the UK Government's espousal of a Localist agenda reflected a rejection of the regional level as the most appropriate scale for sub-national governance. The development of a more explicitly city regional level of governance is illustrated in the creation of City Deals which have given some of England's largest cities increased autonomy to allocate the dividend of local economic growth. More recently, Combined Authorities, within which larger city-regions such as Manchester, Sheffield, Leeds, Liverpool and the North-East of England have been tasked to undertake transport, economic development and other functions. In assessing this contemporary reshaping of metropolitan governance this article draws upon political economy, spatial and institutional approaches that highlight how austerity, competing spatial imaginaries and the historical evolution of central-local relationships within the UK state have combined to produce a particularly 'disorganised' approach to contemporary devolution in England. It contends that while the city region remains the dominant spatial narrative, the on-going process of rescaling at the sub-national state level falls well short of being a coherent, clearly thought-out and permanent transfer of powers and fiscal responsibilities to a uniformly defined scale of governance.