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Urbane riots sind politische Ereignisse. Sie rütteln an den Grundfesten der institutionellen Ordnung und bringen die tieferliegenden Konflikte des ritualisierten gesellschaftlichen Lebens zum Vorschein. Nach wie vor kreisen öffentliche Debatten um die Frage, ob es sich bei dieser Form der Auseinandersetzung um sinnvollen Protest oder um sinnlose Gewalt handelt. Dieser Aufsatz gibt einige vorläufige Antworten auf diese Frage, in dem er zwei Beispielen vergleicht: die riots in England 2011 und den griechischen Dezemberprotesten 2008. Diese beiden höchst unterschiedlichen Beispiele wurden ausgewählt, da sie in der Öffentlichkeit sehr unterschiedlich wahrgenommen wurden. Während die englische Öffentlichkeit die riots als 'sinnlose Gewalt' ablehnte, ergaben Meinungsumfragen im Fall Griechenlands, dass die Ausschreitungen dort weitgehend als 'soziale Revolte' anerkannt wurden. Der Aufsatz versucht, den Ursachen dieser gegensätzlichen Auslegung auf dem Grund zu gehen, indem er 1) die Muster der riots (insbesondere das Überwiegen 'individualistischer' beziehungsweise 'kollektivistischer' Elemente) und 2) die soziale und politische Identität der Beteiligten untersucht. ; Urban riots are political events. They question the very foundations of the institutional order and render visible the underlying conflicts of ritualized social life. Why then do urban riots continue to spark fierce public debate about whether they are meaningful protests or meaningless violence? This article essays some preliminary answers to these questions by comparing the English riots of August 2011 with the Greek December of 2008. The two cases are selected as most different cases because public readings of the riots differed so widely. The English riots were rejected as 'meaningless violence', whereas in the Greek case public surveys documented widespread acknowledgement of the riots as 'social revolt'. The article tries to pin down the origins of these antithetical interpretations by delving into: 1) the patterns of rioting (especially the prevalence of 'individualistic' or 'collectivist' elements in the episodes of rioting) and 2) the rioters' social and political identity.

Vor 20 Jahren erschütterten die Chaostage die Messestadt Hannover. In den bis dato schwersten Auseinandersetzungen der bundesdeutschen Nachtkriegsgeschichte, brachte eine subkulturelle Strömung aus Punks, Skinheads und anderen, die Ordnungsvorstellung der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft ins Wanken. Die Chaostage heute noch einmal als riot zu betrachten, öffnet den Blick auf ihre materielle und mediale Wirkung. Dabei wird deutlich, wie eine Unruhe Sinnzusammenbrüche der lebensweltlich erfahrbaren sozialen Ordnung verursacht. Diese Sinnentleerung motivierte infolge der Chaostage 1995 eine mediale Mobilmachung, um neuen Sinn zuzuschreiben und zu verstehen, was auf der Straße faktisch passiert war. Der riot wurde dabei mit seiner eigenen Spektakularität konfrontiert, er wurde fremddefiniert und somit den Beteiligten eine eigene Darlegung ihres Handelns verwehrt. Die Punks griffen diesen Punkt auf und hielten der medialen Hysterie ihr karnevaleskes Zerrbild entgegen. ; Twenty years ago, the so-called Chaos days shattered the city of Hannover. In the most intense civil commotions since World War II, a subcultural mélange of punks, skinheads and other factions damaged the public understanding of social order. To analyze the Chaos days in the context of an emerging riots discourse opens perspectives for material and media-related effects. Moreover it focuses on riots as disturbances and ruptures of social order perceived in the lifeworld. This is a breakdown of social sense. Because it is not immediately possible to make sense of a riot, the media began – in the case of the Chaos days – to fill the fissures, it had created. The media named, defined and pursued the genuinely modern goal of verstehen. Riots are often defined and filled with sense by society and its spectacle, not by the rioter themselves. Chaos days picked up this point in a karnevalesk way: They confronted the public with an own interpretation and a distorted picture of public hysteria.

Insurrection is theorised as a form of resistance in and around organisational life, often functioning to promote more sustainable forms of organisation and organising. However, urban riots, as a form of insurrection, are typically narrated through nonconformity, social injustice, and immigration, which often deny (1) riots as having a political message or form (i.e. they are 'pure violence without claim'), and (2) rioters as having affirmative needs or qualities (i.e. they are 'primitive rebels'). This study draws on publically available narratives and deploys the relational ontology of Axel Honneth to re-cast riots and rioters as responding to violations in basic human need for 'recognition', that is, as expressed through 'love, rights, and solidarity'. In doing so, we hope to sit in contrast with the dominant insurrection and rioting scholarship, to explore as well as inspire alternative ways of organisation and organising in contemporary circumstances which are grounded in affirmative relationality.

The phenomenon of urban riots reappeared in France in the late 1970s, it took root in the 1990s, and in 2005 it experienced an unprecedent generalization. It continues locally since then. With few exceptions, it is always triggered by the death of young people in connection with a police operation. This article provides a summary of research on urban riots conducted in France in recent years and aims at drawing a comprehensive framework for the analysis of this phenomenon by articulating its economic, social and political dimensions. It highlights the process of ghettoization, the failures of state regulation and the lack of political representation of slum dwellers. It finally analyzes the riots as a «basic form of political protest.» ; El fenómeno de las revueltas urbanas apareció en Francia a finales de los años 1970, se arraigó en la década de los 80s y experimentó en 2005 una generalización inédita. Se desarrolla localmente desde esta fecha. Con algunas excepciones, se desata en la mayoría de los casos por la muerte de jóvenes en relación con una operación de policía. Este artículo propone una síntesis de las investigaciones llevadas a cabo en Francia en los últimos años y trata de desglosar un marco de interpretación global de este fenómeno al articular sus dimensiones económicas, sociales y políticas. Este trabajo pone énfasis en los procesos de creación de guetos, en las fallas de la regulación estatal y en la ausencia de representación política de los habitantes de los barrios pobres. Finalmente, se analizan las revueltas como una « forma elemental de protesta política». ; O fenômeno das revoltas urbanas apareceu na França no final dos anos 1970, se arraigou na década dos 80 e experimentou em 2005 uma generalização inédita. Desenvolve-se localmente desde esta data. Com algumas exceções, se desata na maioria dos casos pela morte de jovens em relação a uma operação de policia. Este artigo propõe uma síntese das pesquisas levadas a cabo na França nos últimos anos e trata de dividir um marco de interpretação global deste fenômeno ao articular suas dimensões econômicas, sociais e políticas. Este trabalho põe ênfase nos processos de criação de guetos, nas falhas da regulação estatal e na ausência de representação política dos habitantes dos bairros pobres. Finalmente, se analisam as revoltas como uma «forma Elemental de contesta política».

El fenómeno de las revueltas urbanas apareció en Francia a finales de los años 1970, se arraigó en la década de los 80s y experimentó en 2005 una generalización inédita. Se desarrolla localmente desde esta fecha. Con algunas excepciones, se desata en la mayoría de los casos por la muerte de jóvenes en relación con una operación de policía. Este artículo propone una síntesis de las investigaciones llevadas a cabo en Francia en los últimos años y trata de desglosar un marco de interpretación global de este fenómeno al articular sus dimensiones económicas, sociales y políticas. Este trabajo pone énfasis en los procesos de creación de guetos, en las fallas de la regulación estatal y en la ausencia de representación política de los habitantes de los barrios pobres. Finalmente, se analizan las revueltas como una « forma elemental de protesta política». ; O fenômeno das revoltas urbanas apareceu na França no final dos anos 1970, se arraigou na década dos 80 e experimentou em 2005 uma generalização inédita. Desenvolve-se localmente desde esta data. Com algumas exceções, se desata na maioria dos casos pela morte de jovens em relação a uma operação de policia. Este artigo propõe uma síntese das pesquisas levadas a cabo na França nos últimos anos e trata de dividir um marco de interpretação global deste fenômeno ao articular suas dimensões econômicas, sociais e políticas. Este trabalho põe ênfase nos processos de criação de guetos, nas falhas da regulação estatal e na ausência de representação política dos habitantes dos bairros pobres. Finalmente, se analisam as revoltas como uma «forma Elemental de contesta política». ; The phenomenon of urban riots reappeared in France in the late 1970s, it took root in the 1990s, and in 2005 it experienced an unprecedent generalization. It continues locally since then. With few exceptions, it is always triggered by the death of young people in connection with a police operation. This article provides a summary of research on urban riots conducted in France in recent years and aims at drawing a comprehensive framework for the analysis of this phenomenon by articulating its economic, social and political dimensions. It highlights the process of ghettoization, the failures of state regulation and the lack of political representation of slum dwellers. It finally analyzes the riots as a «basic form of political protest.»

Urban riots are typically carried out by individuals who live in residential areas that are relatively marginalized socially, economically and politically. Previous research has discussed several aspects of deprivation that may help explain this relationship. Contributing further to this research, we aim to explain why marginalization produces riots by developing a rationalistic specification of social mechanisms. The utility of our model is demonstrated by a case study of the 2013 Stockholm riots. The model consists of (a) general local incentives that appeal to individual motives, but only lead to participation in riots when (b) the delicate local equilibrium is destabilized by an event that (c) makes riots appear justified, risk-free and thrilling. The advantage of this rationalistic model is that it shows why other people, in other places, would have reason to act in much the same way under similar circumstances.

Is it possible that what happened in a single city in the Middle Ages could stir up a territory and cause the Monarchy's embarrassment? The answer to that question has given rise to an important discussion, because at the background there lies the problematic issue of whether during the Ancient Regime there were genuine revolutions that tried to change the system or, as we tend to think nowadays, they were simply limited-impact revolts that at most affected the city where they took place, its surrounding territories and, exceptionally, certain towns that had economic or political ties with those cities. In this paper we try to clarify some of the keys to 15th century revolts, focusing on one of the most important among such uprisings, which took place in Toledo in 1449. ; ¿Era posible que en la Edad Media lo que pasase en una urbe pudiese alborotar a un territorio, poniendo en apuros a la monarquía, dada la ausencia de comunicación entre las élites de los grandes núcleos urbanos e incluso entre los miembros de un linaje instituido en urbes distintas? La contestación a esta pregunta, lejos de carecer de complejidad, ha hecho correr ríos de tinta, pues en el fondo tras ella subyace la problemática cuestión sobre si en el Antiguo Régimen hubo auténticas revoluciones que pretendían cambiar el sistema o, como hoy se tiende a pensar, más bien simples revueltas de impactos limitados, que solían afectar como mucho a la urbe en que se desplegasen, a las tierras de alrededor y, excepcionalmente, a poblaciones con algún tipo de relación económica o política. En este trabajo se intentan aclarar algunas de las claves de las revueltas en el siglo XV, centrándose en la ocurrida en Toledo en 1449.

Riots in French "banlieues" can be properly understood only within a context of the French economic and social history in the last few decades. "Trente glorieuses", the increase of the immigrant population, French "welfare state" and urban politics, the effects of the economic crisis of the 70`s, dismantling and marginalization of the working class environment, concentration of the unemployment and poverty in the "banlieues", segregation and ghettoization - these are the necessary elements of any sociological interpretation of the actual crisis. Between the "urban poverty" and the riots, several mediations have also an important impact: new security policy and police violence - the evolution of Welfare state towards the Penal state, new forms of racism and social exclusions, inefficiency of the "Republican model of integration", suburban youth sub-culture as an attempt of neutralizing the growing stigma etc. Persistent treating of a segment of citizenry as suspect, intrinsically prone to violence - as potential enemies, could prove to be, in the future, a self-fulfilling prophecy. ; Pobune u francuskim predgrađima mogu se razumeti samo u kontekstu ekonomske i društvene istorije Francuske u poslednjih nekoliko decenija. "Trente glorieuses", rastući imigracioni talasi, "socijalna država", urbana politika, potom posledice ekonomske krize sedamdesetih, destrukturacija i marginalizacija radničke sredine, koncentracija nezaposlenosti i siromaštva u predgrađima, segregacija i getoizacija - neophodni su elementi sociološke interpretacije sadašnje krize. Između "urbanog siromaštva" i pobuna deluje i niz medijacija, institucionalnih ili više difuznih, kao što je nova politika bezbednosti i policijsko nasilje, zaokret od "države blagostanja" ka "represivnoj državi", novi oblici rasizma i društvenog izopštavanja, neefikasnost "republikanskog modela integracije", omladinska potkultura predgrađa kao pokušaj neutralizacije rastuće stigme itd. Uporno tretiranje jednog dela građana - omladine imigrantskog porekla iz predgrađa - kao sumnjivog, "prirodno" sklonog nasilju i kao potencijalnog neprijatelja - moglo bi se u budućnosti pokazati kao samoispunjavajuće proročanstvo.

ResumenLa dimensión urbana de la globalización muestra de forma evidente las cuestiones que en la actualidad se juegan en el terreno de las identidades sociales, la representación política y el Estado. En ese sentido la ciudad global es realmente el espacio estratégico de nuestro tiempo. Los conflictos que se desarrollan en ella ya no tienen su raíz en las identidades colectivas anteriores y encuentran cada vez con más dificultad un espacio de representación política donde expresarse. En esas condiciones, es la confrontación directa, la revuelta, la que, en diversas escalas, se extiende por el mundo entero como fórmula de relación entre los pueblos y los poderes. El disturbio se produce cuando las palabras fallan. Las situaciones en las que el disturbio estalla (conflictos urbanos, conflictos entre los jóvenes y la policía, conflictos entre las propias personas) ponen fin lo mismo a las apuestas implicadas en la ciudad como en la globalización. Se puede resumir así: en un capitalismo en el que la ciudad se ha convertido en el verdadero colectivo de creación productiva y donde la lógica de la renta absorbe todas las viejas formas de beneficio e impone su ley a los Estados, la democracia debe ser refundada.Palabras clave: Ciudad, globalización, revuelta, movilización urbana, estado, renta.AbstractThe urban dimension of globalization clearly exemplifies the issues currently at play in the fields of social identity, political representation and the State. In this sense, the global city is really the strategic space of our time. The conflicts that take place in it are no longer rooted in collective identities of the past, and they find it increasingly difficult to find a politically representative space for their expression. Under these conditions, direct confrontation and revolts on different scales are spreading across the world as a formula for relations between peoples and powers. Disorders emerge when words fail. Situations where revolts break out (urban conflicts, conflicts between youths and police, conflicts between people themselves) signal an end to beliefs implicit to both the city and globalization. The situation may be summarized as follows: in a form of capitalism in which the city has become the true collective for productive creation, where the logic of income absorbs all the old forms of profit and imposes its rules on the State, democracy must be refounded. Keywords: City, globalization, riot, urban mobilization, state, income.

Bei riots handelt es sich um unscharfe Phänomene, die von urbanen Jugendaufständen bis zu gewaltvoll eskalierenden Demonstrationen reichen. Auch der Begriff riot ist trotz seiner teils regen Verwendung in Medien und Wissenschaft nach wie vor diffus und unscharf. Neben diesen konzeptionellen Leerstellen gibt es in den Sozialwissenschaften bisher kein klar umrissenes Forschungsfeld zu riots. Auch der Sozialen Bewegungsforschung gelingt es nicht, riots als Protestphänomene zu fassen. Vor dem Hintergrund dieser Lücken im Forschungsstand versucht sich der vorliegende Text an einer wissenschaftlichen Verortung von riot als Phänomen und als Begriff. Dabei werden zwei zentrale Aspekte der bisherigen sozialwissenschaftlichen Debatte zu riots untersucht: das Verhältnis zwischen riots und Gewalt sowie das Verhältnis zwischen riots und dem Politischen.

Investigates causes of urban riots and civil disturbances to determine how to prevent their reoccurrence. ; Record is based on bibliographic data in CIS US Congressional Committee Hearings Index. Reuse except for individual research requires license from Congressional Information Service, Inc. ; Indexed in CIS US Congressional Committee Hearings Index Part VIII ; Investigates causes of urban riots and civil disturbances to determine how to prevent their reoccurrence. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Gibt es in Deutschland wirklich (bislang) keine riots? Und ist es hier im Vergleich zu Vororten oder Großstädten der nordwesteuropäischen Nachbarschaft oder der USA wirklich so ruhig? Entgegen dieser in der deutschsprachigen sozialwissenschaftlichen Debatte oft angeführten Feststellung fragen wir, welche Elemente jener Auseinandersetzungen, die international als riots gefasst werden, auch in Konflikten in deutschen Großstädten sichtbar werden. Am Beispiel eines Ereignisses in Altona-Altstadt/Hamburg im Sommer 2013 untersuchen wir insbesondere Auseinandersetzungen um verräumlichte, kontrollintensive Polizeistrategien und spezifische Ausprägungen von Rassismus in städtischen Alltagen. Denn bisher wurden solche Parallelen zu Konflikten etwa in Frankreich, Großbritannien oder den USA nicht explizit beleuchtet oder durch desintegrationstheoretische Perspektiven verdeckt. Ausgangspunkt der Untersuchung sind dabei die diskursiv-medialen Deutungskämpfe um die Altonaer Ereignisse. ; Are there really no riots in German cities (yet)? And compared to suburbs or inner cities in northwestern Europe and in the USA: is it really as peaceful in Germany as the debates in local social sciences suggest? Against these findings, in this contribution we ask which elements of those urban conflicts usually labeled as riots come into sight in German cities as well. Until now, such parallels to urban conflicts in France, Great Britain or the USA either haven't been explicitly taken into account or have been obscured by a focus on 'urban disintegration'. In our investigation, we take a close look at a conflict that occurred in Altona-Altstadt/Hamburg in the summer of 2013, and especially on space-based 'stop-and-search' policing practices and the specific manifestation of racism in urban everyday life. We especially take into account the discursive struggles over the interpretation of the occurrences.

International audience ; It is hard to characterise the political voice of the French rioters and their friends or family members as mere indifference to politics. On the contrary, the rioters surely display a set of justifications that rationalise collective violence both as a legitimate reaction against any form of hogra and as a natural refusal to compromise with conventional politics. These considerations do not imply, of course, that daily attitudes and behaviours amount to a strict observance of Islamic principles, nor that the place assumed by Islamic ethics in their way of life makes them turn into radical salafists. But, in turn, social scientists are too often prone to considering the place of religion in urban upsurges in France through the (salutary) aphorism that riots are not jihads, or by making the argument that the apparent refusal of French society hides a strong desire to be part of it, without having enough consideration of what is at stake in religious-driven notions of what 'political' means. To this extent the growing importance given by Islam to the rationalisation of the world and the experience of the self in the daily course of the cités youths' existence definitely separates their political protest from the institutionalised field of politics. Far from indifference towards politics, this political ethic rather amounts to a strong adherence to a massive refusal of the mundane political as it is practised and celebrated in France. To this extent, such an attitude evokes what Michel Foucault described as the 'enigma of uprising' in 1978 Iran: 'a strike against politics' launched in a vacuum between an impossible (and undesired) millenarism for an Islamic society and a political refusal to be part of the usual political game.

Throughout the 13th century a succession of urban revolts took place in al-Andalus, which caused the withdrawal of the Almohad Empire and the establishment of the third taifas, initially led by Muhammad b. Yūsuf b. Hūd al-Mutawakkil. The inability of this emir to hold together this newly-built state, and the continuous insurrections inside and utside of Murcia have led historians to investigate the nature of political power during this period. This article examines each one of these proposals and, on the basis of an analysis of some socio-economic aspects relating to Murcia (being a representative city of al-Andalus and capital of the hūdí movement during the first half of the thirteenth century), proposes a hypothesis on the nature of its power. ; Durante el siglo XIII se produjo una serie de revueltas urbanas en al-Andalus que ocasionó la retirada del Imperio almohade y la formación de las terceras taifas, inicialmente encabezadas por Muḥammad b. Yūsuf b. Hūd al-Mutawakkil. La incapacidad de este emir para mantener unido el estado que había creado y las continuas insurrecciones fuera y dentro de Murcia ha llevado a historiadores y filólogos a indagar sobre la naturaleza del poder político en este periodo. Este artículo estudia cada una de estas interpretaciones y, a partir del análisis de algunos aspectos socio-económicos de Murcia, ciudad representativa en al-Andalus y capital del movimiento hūdí durante la primera mitad del siglo XIII, presenta una propuesta sobre la naturaleza de su poder.

peer-reviewed ; Led by General Allenby, British troops entered Jerusalem in December 1917, ending Ottoman rule and opening a new and crucial era in the history of Jerusalem and Palestine. The history of Jerusalem has traditionally been depicted as the quintessential history of conflict and strife, of ethnic and communal tensions and of incompatible national narratives and visions. The transition from Ottoman to British rule marked a dramatic and radical change in the history of the city, often described as the beginning of a period of great transformation. Looking at the riots that took place in the city in April 1920, this chapter will explore the emergence of structured urban violence in Jerusalem and the ways it superseded communal violence. The context is provided by the political framework set by the British with the Balfour Declaration, the largescale arrival of Zionists in Palestine and the reshaping of the urban fabric of Jerusalem.1 ; Accepted ; Peer reviewed