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A number of recent studies1suggest that prostitution – 'The act or practice of indulging in promiscuous sexual relations, especially for money'2– in western society increased dramatically in the late nineteenth century, both in real terms and in popular consciousness. 'Large scale, conspicuous prostitution', they argue, 'was a by-product of the first, explosive stage in the growth of the modern, industrial city…' It is a proposition of this article that such changes were, in fact, far more widespread. From the evidence of Guatemala it appears that prostitution also increased during these years in agricultural export societies. Under the impact of demands from industrializing nations, colonial and neo-colonial regimes overhauled domestic economic and social structures to increase raw material and food production for export. Unprecedented but unstable economic prosperity, urbanization, and the social disorganization resulting from the implementation of systems of forced labour and removal from the land created a climate propitious for an increase in and institutionalization of commerical sex. This paper is an examination of the growth of female prostitution in late nineteenth-century Guatemala City, of the situation and attitudes of the women involved, and of state efforts to control the traffic. More broadly, it argues that attempts to regulate prostitution must be understood as part of a liberal drive to mobilize and control society as a whole in the interest of a class-defined vision of national development.

Historians and historical economists have made much progress during the past half century in reconstructing long-term patterns of economic growth. The development of national income accounting techniques provided measures of gross national product and gross national product per capita in both constant and current dollars for the United States and various other countries that extend back to the first half of the nineteenth century. By providing information on the overall performance of the economy and on the performance of its principal industrial sectors and geographic regions, these measures have succinctly characterized the pattern of economic change in the United States, England, France, and several other European nations for periods of up to a century and a half. They have provided a scale against which such developments as urbanization, technological change, and the impact of various governmental policies can be judged. The new information has often led to important reinterpretations of major historical eras. The discovery that the rate of growth of manufacturing declined during the Civil War decade, for example, led to a searching reexamination of the thesis that the Civil War gave an unprecedented impetus to the industrialization of the United States. The disaggregation of the national accounts to the state level produced the unanticipated finding that during the twenty years leading up to the Civil War the South grew at least as rapidly as the North.

SummaryA study of the differentials in fertility of Iraq's Mohafadhas, and the association of fertility with various socio-cultural factors, is handicapped for want of the reliable vital statistics from which measures of fertility can be satisfactorily derived. The alternative method, using a simple measure of fertility, the child–woman ratio, which requires only a knowledge of the population in age groups is therefore used. Since this measure is computed from census statistics, it is affected by differences in enumeration errors and in mortality and migration. An attempt has been made in this paper to keep these factors constant by using a modified child–woman ratio for comparing fertility levels.The analysis showed that fertility rates vary from region to region, between Mohafadhas within a region and between rural and urban areas. One important broad geographic variation was that the Northern region was the area of high fertility. For the Mohafadhas, significant differences were noted in only six of the sixteen Mohafadhas of Iraq. Rural–urban difference was minimal, with few exceptions, and it was not always in the same direction. The intra-rural variations in the fertility ratio were far more important than intra-urban differences.Correlation analysis showed that the average age at marriage, the proportion never married and the sex ratio in the reproductive ages were the important factors in explaining fertility differences between Mohafad has. There was virtually no correlation between fertility and urbanization or literacy.

In the capitalist city, ground rents reflect for capital the image of its own development and uneven growth, by imposing upon each particular capital the laws of capital as a whole. Therefore, landed property and rent are neither the regulators of urbanization, nor the source of urban contradictions. Capitalist relations of production imply in themselves the autonomy of private poles of accumulation and deny the possibility of a real social control over the formation of the useful effects of agglomeration. These effects thus necessarily constitute for particular capitals non‐reproducible or unevenly preconstituted conditions, and consequently so is the basis of surplus profits which can be transformed into ground rents. The existence of strictly non‐reproducible conditions is the foundation of the transformation of branch surplus profits into absolute rent, the unevenly preconstituted conditions inducing differential surplus profits transformable into differential rent. It is the non‐reproducibility of the commodity itself which is at the basis of surplus profits and monopoly rents. The transformation of these surplus profits into rents in no way implies the existence of a class of landowners, but only relations of production in which landed property is not only autonomous from capital, but also includes a social content which as such can put up an effective resistance to it. The basis of this resistance can as well be capitalist landed property as various forms of non‐capitalist landed property.

The universal dream of a coming Age of Affluence, modern style, has been shattered. Modern expansionism is coming to its predictable and inevitable end. The now apparent failure of its techno-economic system stems directly from a systematic neglect of the truism that Man's greatest resource is man, his initiative, intelligence and creativity. Modern economic thinking takes goods as its point of departure, instead of people. The results are the destruction of the wholesomeness of man's work, deleterious pollution of his natural environment and increasingly threatening resource depletion. Solutions to these problems cannot be found without a fundamental reorientation of technology, so as to make possible the development of a new life-style which means new Patterns of production, new patterns of consumption and new patterns of the geographical distribution of the population (e.g. urbanization). Systematic work in this direction has been carried on by the Intermediate Technology development Group in London since 1965. This work shows beyond reasonable doubt that technological alternatives are possible and can be thoroughly economic. The criteria or guidelines of the Group's work are: smallness, simplicity, capital-cheapness and nonviolence, to afford alternatives to current technological trends which favour giantism, complexity, high capital intensity and violence. As the 'culture of affluence' is proving a ruinous aberration, we might do worse than study the possibilities of a 'culture of poverty' which would make health, beauty and permanence its central aspirations.

In the literature democratic longevity in countries transitioning from authoritarian regimes to democracy is linked to economic development; four factors of economic development are identified: industrialization, education, urbanization, and growing wealth. Education is viewed as a primary factor for effective democratic participation and economic development. This thesis examines the relationship between level of democracy and educational outputs and outcomes. Does the level of democracy (political rights and civil liberties) have an effect on the levels of investment in education and measurable outcomes in education equity toward meeting the educational needs of the newly represented public? The expectation is that the increased scope of political participation and representation in new democratic regimes would result in higher government spending for education with implications for education equity.This study is conducted using a cross-sectional, longitudinal statistical model. The analysis is based on 18 Latin American countries over a thirty-eight-year period, from 1972 to 2010. To examine the connection between level of democracy and education equity, the study explores the effects of democracy on different levels of education, gender, and social class. In addition to the quantitative analysis, a qualitative component aims at contextualizing this relationship that is, examining closer the mechanism that underlies the connection between democracy and education equity in the cases of Mexico and Brazil. ; 2011-12-01 ; M.A. ; Sciences, Political Science ; Masters ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

This study investigates the development of Plant City, Florida as a railroad town developing on the Southwest Florida frontier from 1885-1940. The study chronicles the town's origins and economic, political, and social development in relationship to the broader historical theories of southern urban development, specifically those put forward in David Goldfield's pioneering work, Cotton Fields and Skyscrapers: Southern City and Region 1607-1980. Goldfield contended that southern cities developed differently than their northern counterparts because they were not economically, politically, philosophically and culturally separated from their rural surroundings. Instead, they displayed and retained the positive and negative attributes of southern society and culture, including a commitment to maintaining a biracial society until the 1960s, an affinity for rural lifestyles and values among urban residents, and an economic dependence on outside markets and capital. Since Goldfield derived his findings from research that centered on the cotton producing regions of the Old South, this study sought to determine whether the tenets of his thesis applied to the urbanization process in the frontier areas of Florida, a region often considered an anomaly to the greater South. In the end analysis it was determined that Goldfield's theory generally fits Plant City with some exceptions derived from regional differences found in Florida. ; 2005-08-01 ; M.A. ; Arts and Sciences, Department of History ; Masters ; This record was generated from author submitted information.

It is noteworthy that the recent spate of writings in the field of "political development" has shown a pronounced tendency to omit consideration of Latin America. Thus the "communications" and "bureaucracy" volumes in the SSRC political development series are totally innocent of Latin American data, as is an excellent recent treatment of—of all things!—the political behavior of the military in developing areas.The Latin Americanists, for their part, have largely stressed those key features of the area's politics which have long remained constant—executive predominance, military intervention, and the influence of the peculiarities of Hispanic culture. At the same time, it is clear that the social changes usually collectively termed "modernization"—urbanization, technological borrowing, and the development of mass communications grids—together with their political correlate, the expansion of the political community to include hitherto excluded social elements, are proceeding in Latin America too. Accordingly, it becomes desirable to reexamine the "statics" of Latin American politics in the light of the "dynamics" of the processes of political development and social mobilization.The present article attempts this reexamination with respect to the most characteristic feature of Latin American politics, the coup d'état and the establishment of a de facto military government.A priori, mutually contradictory theses about the relations of the military coup to social development can be constructed—and indeed the literature on the subject abounds in such contradictory theses, evidence to support each of which is always available.

The Union gov's avowed aim of making Afrikaner culture & interests dominant over the Africans & the English has encountered legal & econ obstacles. The revival of the Roman-Dutch as against the English legal tradition is mainly due to the fact that certain English doctrines, such as equality of all men before the law, have presented obstacles to the practice of apartheid. In the past, South African judges have preferred, by standing on precedents drawn from the cent following 1850, to set themselves against rapid pol'al or soc change, & the Nationalists accordingly found it necessary to resort to legislation for the various changes they felt were necessary after 1948. Econ & soc sanctions were sufficient for the control of race relations in the 19th cent, & it was not necessary to resort to law, but with increasing industrialization & urbanization the resulting SM among Africans alarmed the ruling white groups among whom, despite diff's & difficulties, there was fundamental agreement on the need to maintain white supremacy. The achievement of the Nationalists since 1948 has been to use the State to promote & protect the interests of Afrikaners, but, in contesting this policy, the English have not defended & proclaimed the universal values of liberalism, but have demanded only the continuance of econ liberalism, which is precisely the part of liberal theory & practice that ie hardest to uphold in a multi-racial State. IPSA.

It has been generally agreed since the publication of Professor Holcombe's The New Party Politics that the urbanization of American society has tended to produce class differences in our politics. The sectional alignments of the 19th century gave way to class and urban-rural politics in considerable measure as Americans continued to move to the cities. By the 1932 and 1936 elections there was a marked tendency for wealth and high prestige to be associated with Republican choice.Paradoxically, the most urban of all our citizens, American Jews, have not divided their presidential vote along class lines. As a group they rapidly improved their jobs, extended their incomes, and became highly educated during the 1930's and 1940's. At the same time, they drastically switched their predominant major party choice from the Republican party to the Democrats. And within the group itself differences in income or occupational prestige appear to have been of practically no significance in the formulation of presidential vote preference since 1936.The purpose of this article is threefold: first, to trace briefly the shifts in Jewish vote preference in recent decades through the use of aggregate election statistics; second, to probe the significant motivations of Jewish voters in 1952, primarily by analyzing the results of a sample survey conducted after the 1952 election in the city of Boston; and third, to suggest some of the basic reasons for Jewish resistance to class influences at the polls.

Urbanization in the global South has been accompanied by the proliferation of vast informal and marginalized urban areas that lack access to essential services and infrastructure. UN-Habitat estimates that close to a billion people currently live in these deprived and informal urban settlements, generally grouped under the term of urban slums. Two major knowledge gaps undermine the efforts to monitor progress towards the corresponding sustainable development goal (i.e., SDG 11 - Sustainable Cities and Communities). First, the data available for cities worldwide is patchy and insufficient to differentiate between the diversity of urban areas with respect to their access to essential services and their specific infrastructure needs. Second, existing approaches used to map deprived areas (i.e., aggregated household data, Earth observation (EO), and community-driven data collection) are mostly siloed, and, individually, they often lack transferability and scalability and fail to include the opinions of different interest groups. In particular, EO-based-deprived area mapping approaches are mostly top-down, with very little attention given to ground information and interaction with urban communities and stakeholders. Existing top-down methods should be complemented with bottom-up approaches to produce routinely updated, accurate, and timely deprived area maps. In this review, we first assess the strengths and limitations of existing deprived area mapping methods. We then propose an Integrated Deprived Area Mapping System (IDeAMapS) framework that leverages the strengths of EO- and community-based approaches. The proposed framework offers a way forward to map deprived areas globally, routinely, and with maximum accuracy to support SDG 11 monitoring and the needs of different interest groups.

International audience ; [Can the development policy of the French territory, the twenty-first century, rely on the same diagnosis as at its founding in the mid-twentieth century? The analysis of the evolution of key indicators, such as population growth and densities of population by the departments of metropolitan France and overseas, highlights how the answer to this question can only be negative.] ; La politique d'aménagement du territoire français peut-elle, au XXIe siècle, s'appuyer sur le même diagnostic que lors de sa fondation au milieu du XXe siècle ? L'analyse de l'évolution d'indicateurs essentiels, comme l'accroissement démographique et les densités de population selon les départements de France métropolitaine et d'outre-mer, met en évidence combien la réponse à cette question ne peut être que négative.

Can we consider the new stage of urbanization as an extractivist process? Is the city a new commodity within capitalist logic? These are the questions I wish to address in this text. The objective is to reflect on the possibility of extrapolating the dynamics that are substantive to classical extractivism to the realm of the urban. My hypothesis points out that some of the characteristics of that classic extractivism can be observed in urban production in Latin America; for example, conceiving the territory as an income field, the tendency to privatize public management and the entry into play of financial capital. However, there is a great difference between the two. While classic extractive industries, located in rural areas, are part of a discussion agenda thanks to the ecoterritorial shift, the phenomenon of urban extractive industries is now being thought of as a public and political problem to be taken into consideration. ; ¿Podemos considerar la nueva etapa de urbanización como un proceso extractivista? ¿Es la ciudad un nuevo commodity en la lógica capitalista? Estos son los interrogantes que aborda el presente texto. El objetivo es reflexionar sobre la posibilidad de extrapolar las dinámicas que son sustantivas al extractivismo clásico al ámbito de lo urbano. Mi hipótesis es que algunas de las características de dicho extractivismo pueden observarse en la producción urbana en América Latina, por ejemplo, concebir el territorio como un campo de renta, la tendencia a la privatización de la gestión pública y la entrada en juego del capital financiero. Sin embargo, existe una gran divergencia entre ambos. Mientras que el extractivismo clásico, ubicado en el ámbito rural, parte de una agenda de discusión gracias al giro ecoterritorial, el fenómeno del extractivismo urbano apenas está siendo pensado como un problema público y político a tener en consideración. ; Peut-on considérer la nouvelle étape de l'urbanisation comme un processus extractiviste? La ville est-elle une nouvelle marchandise dans la logique capitaliste ? Telles sont les questions que je souhaite aborder dans ce texte. L'objectif est de réfléchir à la possibilité d'extrapoler à la sphère urbaine les dynamiques qui sont substantielles à l'extractivisme classique. Mon hypothèse est que certaines des caractéristiques de cet extractivisme classique peuvent être observées dans la production urbaine en Amérique latine ; par exemple, concevoir le territoire comme un champ de revenus, la tendance à la privatisation de la gestion publique et l'entrée en jeu du capital financier. Cependant, il y a une grande différence entre les deux. Alors que les industries extractives classiques, situées dans les zones rurales, font partie d'un agenda de discussion grâce au changement écoterritorial, le phénomène des industries extractives urbaines est désormais considéré comme un problème public et politique à prendre en considération. ; Podemos considerar o novo estágio da urbanização como um processo extrativista? A cidade é uma nova mercadoria dentro da lógica capitalista? Estas são as questões que desejo abordar neste texto. O objetivo é refletir sobre a possibilidade de extrapolar as dinâmicas substantivas do extrativismo clássico para o âmbito do urbano. Minha hipótese aponta que algumas das características desse extrativismo clássico podem ser observadas na produção urbana na América Latina; por exemplo, a concepção do território como um campo de renda, a tendência à privatização da gestão pública e a entrada em jogo do capital financeiro. No entanto, existe uma grande diferença entre os dois. Enquanto as indústrias extrativistas clássicas, localizadas em áreas rurais, fazem parte de uma agenda de discussão graças à mudança ecoterritorial, o fenômeno das indústrias extrativistas urbanas está sendo pensado como um problema público e político a ser levado em consideração.

This paper engages in a discussion between regulationists and urban scientists with the aim of bringing awareness ofthe growing role of property markets as drivers of contemporaneous capitalist regimes — a dimension that has notbeen given proper consideration by the French Regulation School. The case of China exemplifies the centrality of landin macroeconomic dynamics. The paper explores this centrality trough the prism of the Development State (DS), aframework that sets China's experience in the broader context of Northeast Asia. Three main characteristics ofJohnson's DS framework are mobilized to highlight the role of property value enhancement in the regime of capitalaccumulation in China, i.e. the state's productivist approach, the main bank system and a nationalistic ethos ineconomy. It is argued that the state (at both central and local levels) has used the mechanism of property valueenhancement as a major tool to ensure a smoother economic transition. By keeping the 'main bank system' andavoiding the development of financial markets, it has created a dual track financing system of urban production,evidenced by the process of 'landed urbanization' (Li, 2014) and the proliferation of grey finance. To keep the landrent under control, foreign investment had to be restricted despite the strong focus put by local governments oninternational design in urban (re) development. ; Cet article engage un dialogue entre les régulationnistes et des spécialistes de l'urbain afin que les dynamiques foncièreset immobilières, grandes impensées de la Régulation, puissent trouver leur juste place dans l'analyse des régimescapitalistes contemporains. Le cas de la Chine apparaît particulièrement emblématique du rôle central que peut prendrela valorisation foncière dans un modèle de croissance. Cet article l'aborde au prisme du Developmental State (DS), uncadre d'analyse qui resitue l'expérience chinoise dans son contexte régional. Trois grands aspects de la théorie deJohson (1982) sont mobilisés ici pour mettre en lumière le ...

The article considers the social conditions for the development of secondary education in Great Britain (XIX – first half of the XX century). It was founded that an important factor in the formation of the British education system was the influence of the ruling class of aristocrats (landlords) and the petty nobility. It was founded that education of the majority of the population depended on the area, financial status of the family and religion. It was emphasized that religion played a significant role in the field of mass education. It has been shown that in the early nineteenth century, English society was engulfed in a movement of evangelical revival, as a result of which the Anglican Church could not control all its faithful, unlike the Catholic Church in Europe. It is determined that industrialization, urbanization and democratization have created conditions for social, political and economic transformations that required educated personnel. As a result, a number of laws were passed initiating reforms in primary and secondary education. ; У статті розглянуто суспільні умови розвитку середньої освіти у Великій Британії (ХІХ – перша половина ХХ ст.). З'ясовано, що важливою обставиною при становленні британської системи освіти був вплив панівного класу аристократів (лендлордів) і дрібнопомісного дворянства. Встановлено, що освіта основної частини населення залежала від місцевості, матеріального стану сім'ї та віросповідання. Наголошено, що значну роль у сфері масової освіти відігравала релігія. Доведено, що на початку ХІХ століття англійське суспільство було охоплено рухом євангельського відродження, внаслідок чого англіканська церква не могла контролювати всіх своїх вірних, на відміну від католицької церкви в країнах Європи. Визначено, що індустріалізація, урбанізація та демократизація створили умови для соціальних, політичних і економічних перетворень, які вимагали освічених кадрів. Як наслідок, було прийнято низку законів, що ініціювали реформи в галузі початкової і середньої освіти.