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These article aims to provide the evolution of the vanguardistpoint of view on aesthetics. Vanguardismcalled into question modern and classical artistic methods and especially, aesthetical assumptions of modernity. If historical vanguardism exaggerated a series of the features of modernity, neo-vanguardism refuses the cult of novelty and rejects the permanent nihilism.

AbstractOver the past 25 years, Sweden has gone from having one of the most generous unemployment benefit systems among the rich democracies to one of the least. This article advances a multi-causal explanation for this unexpected outcome. It shows how the benefit system became a target of successive right-wing governments due to its role in fostering social democratic hegemony. Employer groups, radicalized by the turbulent 1970s more profoundly than elsewhere, sought to undermine the system, and their abandonment of corporatism in the early 1990s limited unions' capacity to restrain right-wing governments in retrenchment initiatives. Two further developments help to explain the surprising political resilience of the cuts: the emergence of a private (supplementary) insurance regime and a realignment of working-class voters from the Social Democrats to parties of the right, especially the nativist Sweden Democrats, in the context of a liberal refugee/asylum policy.

An opportunity exists to assess the limitations in building long-term peace in post-conflict states, particularly given the extent to which negotiated settlements incorporate demands for democratic mechanisms. By assessing how post-conflict governments construct new majorities through policy tools as well as assessing how they are constrained by the structural realities of negotiated settlements, we gain some purchase on the reasons why some post-conflict state projects succeed while others fail. This has potentially transformative implications for our understanding of how social contracts, and their attendant issues of consent, dissent, and legitimacy, operate in the modern world and the ways they impact such critical discussions as democratic transition, post-conflict reconciliation, and nation-building. We use the case of post-apartheid South Africa to analyse how post-conflict states are limited in terms of forging social contracts among citizens and between citizens and governments. Of specific interest is the way that post-conflict social contracting compels nation-builders to eschew the uncertainties of viable electoral democracy in favour of dominant party regimes or electoral authoritarianism. We suggest that this tension is less a result of pecuniary interest on the part of nation-builders and more a consequence of the imperfections of the modern social contracting process. Adapted from the source document.

Democratic Vanguardism explores the origins, development, and implication of the United States' policy after 9/11 to promote democracy by force and thereby advance its national security. It explores disputes among political theorists, elected statesmen, and public intellectuals to help enrich our understanding of this most fraught period in American foreign relations, and it provides a novel account on the discourse of historical teleology that underpinned the Bush Doctrine.

Vanguardism has generally been studied in the context of the Cuban Revolution, as a guiding framework for revolutionary movements around the world. In Guevara's conception, the vanguard group is ideologically more advanced than the masses; the masses understand the new values, but not sufficiently, while among the vanguard group there has been a qualitative change that allows it to make sacrifices in its capacity as an advance guard. A vanguardist organization exhibits distinctive characteristics; it is capable of rapid change; it has the necessary tactics and can plan insurrection and military operations; and it requires a centralized authority and discipline of the highest order and strong leadership developed over a long period. Historical context and legitimacy are central elements in vanguardism. The vanguardist organization seeks social fitness and legitimacy that is compatible with the dominant social class to gain political control and governmental power. This study describes the vanguardist organization through an examination of the rise of the Sandinista National Liberation Front to power in Nicaragua during the 1970s.

"Left Governments and Social Movements in Latin America" published on by Oxford University Press.

Following recent debates between Vivek Chibber and leading postcolonial theorists, I probe into what is missing in these exchanges. I focus on the figure of the 'tribal' in modern India in Ranajit Guha's Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India and Alpa Shah's In the Shadows of the State, both of which claim to offer emic perspectives on subaltern politics and history. Yet both works, despite their undeniable differences, display a striking universalism that puts them, paradoxically, in the company of Chibber. This universalism, which we may call the resisting subject, is about the Other and about us simultaneously, the former constituted by the latter as an abstract object of analysis and as a key symbol of intellectual vanguardism. Are we not better off abandoning such universalisms and searching for ways in which Marxist theories of culture can be melded with postcolonial theories of capitalism?

Mike Rustin discusses his lifelong involvement in the New Left, which began when he was still at school. He describes the history of the First New Left, including the role played within it by figures such as Stuart Hall, Edward Thompson and Raymond Williams, and the role of the New
Left in student politics in Oxford University, where Michael was a student and a leading member of the Labour club. He looks at the changing relationships between the New Left and the Labour Party in the 1960s and the publication of the May Day Manifesto in 1967. He also discusses the
founding of the New Left Review and the transition from the time of its first editor, Stuart Hall, to that of its second, Perry Anderson, as well his two terms as a member of its editorial board, and his continuing disagreements and agreements with its editorial direction. His reflections
on contemporary politics include a discussion of the relationship of New Left ideas to current movements and the Labour Party, a critique of vanguardism, and the founding of Soundings.

Lejos de ser una mera manifestación artística y folklórica, la carga simbólica del género flamenco en el marco de la cultura andaluza ha aumentado a lo largo de las últimas dos décadas debido a la diversificación del campo artístico en la era de la globalización y la consiguiente revalorización de lo local y lo autóctono. El presente artículo discute algunos de los argumentos centrales y las posibles consecuencias de la actual política de patrimonialización del flamenco con un enfoque crítico y a partir de la dialéctica entre esencialismo cultural y vanguardia artística. ; Being far from a simple artistic and folkloristic expression, the symbolic significance of flamenco within the context of the Andalusian culture has increased during the last two decades as a consequence of the diversification of the artistic field in the era of globalizationand the influence of revalorization of the local and the autochthonous. This article discusses some of the main arguments and their implications in the present politics of patrimonialization of flamenco from a critical point of view and based on the dialectics of cultural essentialism and artistic vanguardism.