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The Sandinista Revolution is arguably the most significant event in Nicaraguan history. Because of its historical importance and distinctive socio-cultural context, the Sandinista Revolution offers significant opportunities for scholarly inquiry. The literature on the Sandinista Revolution is substantial. However, little is known about the organization Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) and how it evolved into the leader of the movement which sought to overthrow the 45-year Somoza dictatorship. In revolutionary literature, the concept of revolutionary vanguard or vanguard party is common. However, the notion of vanguardism as a process and what constitutes a vanguardist organization is yet to be explored. This study aims to provide such an investigation, through an examination of the insurrectional period (1974-1979) leading up to the Sandinista Revolutionary Victory in 1979. Grounded in Scott's (2008) institutional framework, this study describes the evolution of the FSLN into the vanguard of the anti-Somoza movement, identifying relationships between institutional elements involved in the FSLN's institutionalization process and progression into "leader" of the movement. Data from interviews, newspaper articles, and video documentaries were scrutinized in search of answers to the question: How do mechanisms, carriers, and agency as elements of institutions explain vanguardism in the case study of the FSLN? This research reveals critical mechanisms, carriers and agency in the vanguardism of the FSLN, and explains how these elements supported this process. In this sense, this research reveals distinctive characteristics in vanguardism as an institutional process, which differentiate vanguardism from other processes. This research presents an opportunity to learn about the FSLN-a vastly unique politico-military organization. Additionally, there is an opportunity to broaden our observational lens, taking a neoinstitutional approach, to illustrate new ways in which organizations evolve, change and adapt to their environments. Lastly, this study hopes to pave the way for future studies in organizational vanguardism. ; Ph. D.

Vanguardism has generally been studied in the context of the Cuban Revolution, as a guiding framework for revolutionary movements around the world. In Guevara's conception, the vanguard group is ideologically more advanced than the masses; the masses understand the new values, but not sufficiently, while among the vanguard group there has been a qualitative change that allows it to make sacrifices in its capacity as an advance guard. A vanguardist organization exhibits distinctive characteristics; it is capable of rapid change; it has the necessary tactics and can plan insurrection and military operations; and it requires a centralized authority and discipline of the highest order and strong leadership developed over a long period. Historical context and legitimacy are central elements in vanguardism. The vanguardist organization seeks social fitness and legitimacy that is compatible with the dominant social class to gain political control and governmental power. This study describes the vanguardist organization through an examination of the rise of the Sandinista National Liberation Front to power in Nicaragua during the 1970s.

International Journal of Film and Media Arts, Vol. 6, nº2 (2021) ; In 1968, a year of massive political and cultural upheaval, Luciano Berio composed a score that would shape his legacy. Entitled Sinfonia, which literally means sounding together, the symphony was sparked by the assassination of Martin Luther King. Heralded as "the ultimate pre-postmodernist musical palimpsest" (Service, 2012). Sinfonia reverberates with the political assassinations and massive protests punctuated by police repression that marked 1968. In late 2019, I was offered an animated projection commission with a primary voice in choosing a piece for live symphonic performance/projection. After some researching, I found Berio's Sinfonia. It had what I was looking for - a "contemporary" piece, it resisted illustration, linear narrative and 19th century romanticism while eschewing the rigid formality of serialism. Instead, it embraced two core Modernist principles – fragmentation and use of the archive. Berio quoted/sampled disparate chunks of literature, music, and events of 1968 in the service of the political and the poetic to discover unity in the heterogeneous. His score seemed ripe for visual interpretation - and exposition - with animation as the prime driver. Following Berio's lead, I chose visual sampling as my entre and turned to Google. By animating in and out of iconic (and lesser known) images in the orb of 1968, I created a commensurate puzzle piece that mirrored the suggested avant-garde intent I found in Sinfonia – "Where now? Who now? When now?" (Beckett, 1965, p. 291).

En este artículo se realiza un breve recorrido por algunos de los ensayos publicados en la primera mitad del siglo XX por Emilia Prieto Tugores en las siguientes revistas culturales y publicaciones periódicas costarricenses: Repertorio Americano, Diario La Tribuna y Semanario Trabajo. Dicho recorrido permitirá acercarse a los ensayos publicados por esta intelectual costarricense, con el fin de conocer cuáles eran sus principales preocupaciones en el ámbito de la política, el arte y la literatura, entre otros temas, y cuál fue su contribución al pensamiento latinoamericano de la primera mitad del siglo XX. ; This article offers a brief review of some of the published essays of the first half of the 20th century by Emilia Prieto Tugores in the following Costa Rican cultural newspapers and journals: Repertorio Americano, Diario La Tribuna y Semanario Trabajo. This review provides the opportunity to get to know the works of this Costa Rican intellectual with the final goal of knowing what were his principle preoccupations with the total scope of politics, art, and literature among other topics, as well as understand his contributions to Latin American thought of the first half of the 20th century.

"Left Governments and Social Movements in Latin America" published on by Oxford University Press.

Political, economic, and social policies of the FSLN government, including relations with Cuba; 7 articles. Partial contents: Pluralism and vanguardism in the Nicaraguan revolution, by Bruce E. Wright; The state of cultural democracy in Cuba and Nicaragua during the 1980s, by David Craven.

Introduction : minjung, history, and historical subjectivity -- The construction of minjung -- Anticommunism and North Korea -- Anti-Americanism and chuch'e sasang -- The undonggwŏn as a counterpublic sphere -- Between indeterminacy and radical critique : madanggŭk, ritual, and protest -- The alliance between labor and intellectuals -- "To be reborn as revolutionary workers" : Gramscian fusion and Leninist vanguardism -- The subject as the subjected : intellectuals and workers in labor literature -- Conclusion : the minjung movement as history

The crisis of Nigerian ruling class politics in the wake of a collapsing oil economy has made sections of the Left pin their hopes to a left military intervention. This essay is a critique of such positions. It is particularly concerned with recent attempts to offer scientific justification for attributing a leading revolutionary role to the military. The essay also discusses the theoretical backing provided by soviet writers for such 'military vanguardism'. Beckman argues that the left‐militarists fail to identify the social and political forces and conditions that can sustain such revolutionary military role. There is a neglect of class analysis and an incorrect identification of contradictions in society. There is an idealist understanding of the state and the basis of political power. There is a deficient grasp of the nature of imperialist domination and the extent to which antagonistic class relations have been firmly entrenched. Politically, Beckman argues, military vanguard theories divert attention from the primary task of building democratic political organisations capable of giving a democratic content and direction to the national revolutionary process. Not only are they diversionary, they pose a direct threat to that critical task. Despite protestations of the contrary, military vanguardism invites adventeurism, for which the left as a whole may have to pay dearly. The present disarray of the Ghanaian left and the suppression of democratic organisations in that country is a case in point.