The magazine Versus, published in São Paulo from 1975 to 1979, started as a formally and thematically innovative project, conceived by Marcos Faerman and collaborators, using culture as a form of action and adopting Latin America as its main focus. Versus conquered a distinctive space in the Brazilian cultural milieu, occupying an outstanding place among alternative publications. Starting from a brief review of the alternative press in the 1970's, this article aims at analyzing the trajectory of Versus, which began with an innovative cultural viewpoint on the place occupied by Brazil in Latin America and the pursuit of a Latin American unity and identity, and later headed for a gradual political instrumentalization that put an end to its existence. ; A revista Versus, editada em São Paulo de 1975 a 1979, partiu de um projeto formal e tematicamente inovador, concebido por Marcos Faerman e colaboradores, baseado na opção pela cultura como forma de ação e na adoção da América Latina como eixo temático. O periódico conquistou um espaço próprio no campo cultural brasileiro, destacando-se entre as publicações alternativas. A partir de um breve panorama sobre a imprensa alternativa na década de 1970, este artigo pretende analisar a trajetória de Versus que, de uma postura cultural inicialmente inovadora sobre a inserção do Brasil na América Latina e a busca de uma unidade e identidade latino-americanas, rumou a uma paulatina instrumentalização política que a levou ao seu fim.
In: Proceedings of Scientific Conference "New Challenges related to EU`s Internal Security" (5th ed.), held by Doctoral Schools from Alexandru Ioan Cuza Police Academy, Bucharest, Romania, 2016
"The paper studies the role of delegation and authority within a principal-agent relation in which a non-contractible action has to be taken. The agent has private information relevant for the principal, but has policy preferences different from the principal. Consequently, an information revelation problem arises. We contribute to the literature by assuming transferable utility and contractibility of messages and decision rights. While delegation leads to loss of control, it facilitates the agent's participation and leads to an informed decision. Moreover, message-contingent delegation creates incentives for information revelation. We derive the optimal contract for the principal and investigate when delegation outperforms authority." (author's abstract)
Originariamente uma aula magna proferida num concurso para professor titular, o artigo reúne instrumentos para uma reflexão sobre a relação entre escola e cultura, tendo em vista a coincidência que se costuma estabelecer entre a instituição escolar e a cultura. Essa coincidência, à priori impossível, realiza-se na prática, ainda que seja contestada, pois como a história registra, ela é feita com o uso de recursos de grande brutalidade. Primeiramente discute-se como a cultura (definida como o conjunto de atividades que fornece descrições do mundo por meio da "livre expressão") é vivida na prática da instituição escolar. Em seguida, são mostradas as fórmulas políticas que escondem a relação de força por trás da obra da institucionalização da escola, a qual, fundando-se na premissa de que só ela é eficiente para educar os indivíduos, vem se apresentando como solução duradoura para o dilema. Procura-se demonstrar que o dilema da coincidência entre escola e cultura existe porque fórmulas sedutoras conseguem esconder o segredo de uma lógica que repousa nas relações de força existentes na obra de construção do Estado Nacional da qual nós, assim como a escola, somos produto. Nesse contexto, a análise da relação escola versus cultura é feita em analogia com a que vincula Estado versus nação. ; Originally a lecture given as part of the examination for a Professorship in School and Culture, this article brings together elements for a reflection about the relationship between School and Culture in view of the identification customarily established between the school institution and the culture. Such identification, a priori impossible, is actualized in practice, despite contestation, because, as history registers, it is impinged with great brutality. Initially, the text discusses how Culture (defined as the set of activities that give descriptions of the world through "free expression") is experienced in the practice of the school institution. Next, the article describes the political formulae that conceal the force relationship behind the process of institutionalization of School. The latter, based on the premise that it is the only efficient means to educate individuals, has been presenting itself as the enduring solution to the dilemma. It is argued that the dilemma of the identification of School and Culture exists because alluring formulae manage to hide the secret of a logic that rests upon the force relationships existing in the work of construction of a National State of which we, just as the school, are products. In this context, the analysis of the School versus Culture relationship is made in analogy to that of the State versus Nation linkage.
In: Differenz und Integration: die Zukunft moderner Gesellschaften ; Verhandlungen des 28. Kongresses der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Soziologie im Oktober 1996 in Dresden ; Band 2: Sektionen, Arbeitsgruppen, Foren, Fedor-Stepun-Tagung, S. 396-400
"Nach der 'Strukturkrise' institutionalisierter Politik und der damit verbundenen Verabschiedung eines 'etatistischen' Politikbegriffs wird seit einigen Jahren eine angeblich anthropologisch fundierte, universalhistorisch nachweisbare und strukturell ubiquitäre Existenz 'politischen' Handelns diskutiert. Grundlage der begrifflichen und phänomenologischen Erweiterung des Begriffs des 'Politischen', bzw. des 'Politischen Handelns' ist die Nutzung antagonistischer Konstruktionen eines Für und Wider, einer Freund-Feind-Relation, die auf alle Bereiche sozialer Wirklichkeit ausgedehnt wird. War 'Politik' in soziologischer Hinsicht noch bei Max Weber 'die Leitung oder die Beeinflussung der Leitung eines politischen Verbandes, (...) also: eines Staates', so wird heute, unter den Bedingungen einer 'reflexiven Modernisierung', von einer universalen 'Politisierung' des Handelns schlechthin gesprochen. Das Alltagsleben der Menschen 'politisiere' sich im Sinne der Auseinandersetzung zwischen antagonistischen Partialinteressen, die nach den archetypischen Mustern von Freund versus Feind, Oben versus Unten, Innen versus Außen, (re)konstruiert werden. In meinem Referat werde ich der Frage nachgehen, ob wir für eine soziologische Bestimmung des 'politischen Handelns' auch ohne derartige antagonistische Konstruktionen auskommen, die sowohl in ihrer ideengeschichtlichen als auch ihrer tatsächlichen Wirkung nach eher an die der gnostischen Erlösungslehre des Manichäismus erinnern, als an analytische Instrumente wissenschaftlicher Soziologie." (Autorenreferat)
chronic on: Corine Pelluchon, animalist Manifesto. Politicising the animal cause, Paris, Alma Éditeur, 2017, 108 p.; Jean-Pierre Digard, L'animalism is an anti-humanism, Paris, CNRS Éditions, 2018, 128 p. ; International audience ; chronic on: Corine Pelluchon, animalist Manifesto. Politicising the animal cause, Paris, Alma Éditeur, 2017, 108 p.; Jean-Pierre Digard, L'animalism is an anti-humanism, Paris, CNRS Éditions, 2018, 128 p. ; Chronique sur : Corine Pelluchon, Manifeste animaliste. Politiser la cause animale, Paris, Alma Éditeur, 2017, 108 p. ; et Jean-Pierre Digard, L'animalisme est un anti-humanisme, Paris, CNRS Éditions, 2018, 128 p.
Versus Laboratory recommenced in 2013 with a seminar series entitled 'Prolegomena to the Void'. Tracing the theme of the void in terms of a history of breaks and ruptures which have defined our contemporaneity – in politics, the arts and the sciences – the seminar examined how such a topicality of the void is interlaced with its perennial treatment within philosophy, at points of productive conflict with mathematics and natural science. In the first prolegomenon, we followed the theme of the void through two trajectories of thought in the Classical Greek and Hellenistic periods: on the one hand, the affirmation, in the Ancient atomism, of the void as a negative or indeterminate metaphysical principle, on par with the solidity of the atom in the constitution of what is; on the other hand, Aristotle's expulsion of the void from the physical universe, as well as its reinstatement in the first Stoa, as an idea central for the determination and substantial modification of something. Greek philosophy appeared here as an essential interlocutor of our philosophical present: through a conceptual architecture in which chance or material indetermination overturn the logic of possibility, and where the simple opposition of essence and accidents gives way to the idea of radical, evental fractures. ; Versus Laboratory, The Void: First Prolegomenon , seminar, ICI Berlin, 6 May 2013
The displacement of the modern term ofgovernment for the postmodern one ofgovernance, reveals a new postmodern languagein which one is left to guess that both notions,government and governance, tend to be opposed.Corporate governance signifies the seizure ofpower of financial capitalism over industrialcapitalism, which is nothing more than, on theone hand, to lean towards the maximumprofitability for the shareholders, to raise the valueof everything on the market without moralconsiderations, to, force the actors to look forpermanent risk and to adapt more flexiblehierarchical relations in the administration of thecompany; and on the other, the marginalizationof the working class. Governance has reachedthe political matters turning itself into the modelof public management par excellence, it meansthat the government, diminished to it's basic formguides a civil society, which acquires an importantrole in the creation and follow-up of the differentpolicies, that is to say, that the governmentacquires a flexible form of regulation, it is therewhere political governance leads us, to thealleged self-regulation of private interests thatadded-together are able to shape the generalinterest. Indeed it is a question of a new form ofdomination marked by a political failing, wherethe civil society plays in opposition to the State.Governance is leaning towards a fearsome trapto the democracy, insofar as it is presented as anextension of democracy embodied in a betterparticipation of civil society, destroying the publicperson formed by the union of all others and thebecoming representative of particular interests. ; El desplazamiento del término moderno de gobierno por el postmoderno de gobernanza, pone de manifiesto un nuevo lenguaje postmoderno en el que se deja entrever que ambas nociones, gobierno y gobernanza, tienden a oponerse. La gobemanza corporativa designa la toma del poder del capitalismo financiero sobre el capitalismo industrial, que no es otra cosa que, por un lado, propender por la rentabilidad máxima para los accionistas, valorizar todo en el mercado sin consideraciones morales, obligar a los actores a la búsqueda de riesgo permanente y flexibilizar las relaciones jerárquicas en la Administración de la empresa; y por el otro, la marginación de la clase obrera. La gobernanza ha llegado a los asuntos políticos convirtiéndose en modelo de gestión pública por excelencia, ella trata que el gobierno reducido a su mínima expresión guie a una sociedad civil que adquiere un papel importante en la creación y seguimiento de las diferentes políticas, es decir, que el gobierno adquiere una forma flexible de regulación, es allá donde la gobernanza política nos conduce, a la supuesta autorregulación de los intereses privados que sumados pasan a configurar el interés general. En realidad se trata de una nueva forma de dominación marcada por un desvanecimiento político, donde la sociedad civil juega en contra del Estado. La gobernanza le está tendiendo una temible trampa a la democracia, en tanto se presenta como una ampliación de la democracia materializada en una mejor participación de la sociedad civil, destruyendo la persona pública que se forma por la unión de todos los otros y convirtiéndola en representante de intereses particulares
El comienzo de la Licenciatura en Farmacia, en el entorno del EEES, exige un esfuerzo innovador. Los calificados docentes deben fomentar los aspectos básicos relacionados con la formación humanística, aspectos históricos, sociológicos, legislativos de la profesión farmacéutica. Por esta razón, también valor normativo español y europeo en relación con la Ley sanitarias. En este resumen, se analizan las principales dificultades de la enseñanza al aprendizaje. Además como la promoción de estrategias de aprendizaje de los estudiantes autónomos. Por esta razón, es necesario la nueva aplicación de nuevos métodos de enseñanza. ; The beginning of the Bachelor in Pharmacy, in the environment of EHEA, demands an innovative effort. The proffesors must foment the basic aspects related with the humanistic, historical, sociological aspects, legislatives of the pharmaceutical profession. For this reason, we will also value normative Spanish and European relative to sanitary Law. In this abstract, we analyze the main difficulties from the teaching to the learning. Besides as promoting strategies of the students' autonomous learning. For this reason it is necessary the new application of new methods of teaching.
'Es wird untersucht, ob die in der Umfrageforschung verbreitete, aber bislang kaum untersuchte These, daß sich Frühantworter von Spätantwortern systematisch unterscheiden, empirisch haltbar ist. Hierfür wird eine Intranet-Organisationsumfrage eines weltweit tätigen Unternehmens verwendet. Die Intranet-Administration ermöglichte es, den genauen Zeitpunkt der Abgabe des Fragebogens zu erfassen. Die Ergebnisse zeigen bei keiner der 95 Meinungs- und Einstellungsitems substantielle Trends über der Zeit der Fragebogenabgabe, insbesondere nicht bei Arbeitszufriedenheit und Commitment zur Organisation. Man erkennt lediglich regionale Unterschiede im Aufbau der Stichprobe über die Zeit.' (Autorenreferat)
Der Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit der möglichen Veränderung der Arbeitsbeziehungen in der IT-Industrie, die durch einen Wandel der Produktionsstrukturen und der Arbeit geprägt ist. Dabei orientieren sich die Ausführungen an drei Thesen: (1) Der Wandel des Produktionsmodells sowie der Regulation der Arbeit entzieht dem deutschen System der Arbeitsbeziehungen die 'Geschäftsgrundlagen'. (2) Die Veränderung der Grundlagen der Mitbestimmung weisen zwar dem individuellen Interessenhandeln der Beschäftigten eine zentrale Rolle zu, dies mündet aber keineswegs automatisch in eine allgemeine Erosion der institutionellen Strukturen; vielmehr zeichnet sich deren Formwandel ab. (3) Im Mittelpunkt der notwendigen Innovation der Mitbestimmung steht eine verstärkte Hinwendung zum individuellen Interessenhandeln der Beschäftigten. An der Art und Weise, wie individuelles Interessenhandeln und kollektive Verhandlungssysteme zueinander ins Verhältnis gesetzt werden, entscheidet sich die Zukunft der deutschen Mitbestimmung. Als Datenbasis dienen die empirischen Ergebnisse einer Studie des Autors von 2002. (ICG2)