Suchergebnisse

Autor istražuje etničko nasilje usmjereno prema Srbima u Zadru 1990. i 1991. koristeći se različitim oblicima pisanih izvora (novine, sudski dokumenti, policijski izvještaji, nalazi psihijatrijsko-forenzičkih vještačenja i srodni izvori) i prikupljenim usmenim svjedočanstvima ljudi koji su tih godina živjeli u Zadru. Istraživanje obuhvaća prva otpuštanja s posla, stvaranje atmosfere straha i nepovjerenja, uništavanje imovine tijekom zadarske "kristalne noći" i nakon nje, te djelovanje "trojki" koje su upadale u stanove i zlostavljale Srbe s ciljem njihovog zastrašivanja i protjerivanja, te na kraju, ubojstva Srba u Zadru u drugoj polovici 1991., s osobitim naglaskom na umorstvo troje zarobljenih Srba u improviziranom zatvoru u listopadu 1991. Autor te događaje promatra u svjetlu diskurzivnog djelovanja državnih i lokalnih elita, koristeći teoriju kulturalne politike emocija koju je iznijela teoretičarka kulture Sarah Ahmed u svojoj studiji "The Cultural Politics of Emotions" u kojoj ističe kako emotivni iskazi osim deklarativnih imaju i performativnu ulogu u smislu da mogu stvarati, oblikovati i teritorijalizirati polje društvenih odnosa. Uloga emocije straha i emocije bijesa u stvaranju podjela bila je razvidna devedesetih, no u većini studija etničkih sukoba u bivšoj Jugoslaviji, nije joj pridana odgovarajuća težina. Autor istražuje kako je politički diskurs koji se u Hrvatskoj počeo artikulirati za vrijeme prvih višestranačkih izbora 1990., a postao sveprisutan početkom ratnih napetosti 1991., utjecao na stvaranje nacionalnih podjela i formiranje društvene situacije u kojoj je međuetničko nasilje postalo društveno prihvatljivim načinom političkog djelovanja. Također, u radu će biti istaknuti načini na koji su zadarski Srbi sami proživljavali vlastitu viktimizaciju, te nedostatak interesa institucija za nasilje prema njima. ; The author examines ethnic violence against the Serbs in Zadar in 1990 and 1991 by using different written sources (newspapers, judicial documents, police reports, medical and forensic ...

Kako dominantni državni narativ utječu na komemorativne prakse u lokalnim zajednicama u različitim povijesnim razdobljima? Ovom pitanju pristupamo provodeći studiju komemoracija Drugoga svjetskog rata u Gospiću u dva različita perioda promjene političkog režima. Studija se temelji na dokumentima iz gospićkog arhiva, člancima iz lokalnih novina, postojećim znanstvenim radovima o ovom kraju, kao i izvješćima državnih institucija i nevladinih organizacija. Uz to, fotografirali smo očuvane spomenike i groblja iz Drugoga svjetskog rata ili pak prikupili arhivske snimke i građu onih koji su uklonjeni ili uništeni u promjeru od pedeset kilometara oko Gospića. Članak pokazuje kako su se narativi, simboli i rituali koji su činili dio komemoracija nasilja iz Drugoga svjetskog rata promijenili kada su suprotstavljeni politički akteri pokušali uspostaviti vlastitu političku legitimaciju ili zadobiti političku podršku. ; How do dominant state narratives influence commemorative practices in local communities in different historical periods? We address this question by carrying out a study of World War Two commemorations in Gospić in two distinct periods of a political regime transition. The study is based on the documents from the archive of Gospić, articles from the local paper, existing scholarly publications on this area, as well as reports from state institutions and non-governmental organizations. We also photographed standing monuments and graveyards dating back to World War Two, or collected archival images and documentation of those that were removed or destroyed, in a fifty-kilometer radius around Gospić. We show how the narratives, symbols, and rituals that formed part of commemorations of World War Two violence changed when competing political actors attempted to establish their political legitimacy or gain political support.

U radu je prikazano iskustvo medijatora u procesu obiteljske medijacije u slučajevima partnerskog nasilja na temelju rezultata istraživanja provedenog u sedam centara za socijalnu skrb u kojem je sudjelovalo dvanaest stručnih radnika s odgovarajućom edukacijom za provođenje obiteljske medijacije. Svrha istraživanja je bila opisati i analizirati iskustva medijatora u procesu obiteljske medijacije s partnerima koji su imali iskustvo nasilja te utvrditi mogućnost njene primjene u takvim slučajevima. Korišten je kvalitativni pristup, a pri analizi prikupljenih podataka primijenjen je postupak tematske analize. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da medijatori ističu neke specifičnosti upravljanja procesom medijacije s partnerima koji su imali iskustvo nasilja po pitanju sigurnosti procesa, uspostave ravnoteže moći i konstruktivnog dijaloga strana u medijaciji, što zahtijeva od medijatora primjenu određenih tehnika i vještina. Također, rezultati istraživanja govore u prilog tome da medijatori percipiraju mogućnost provođenja obiteljske medijacije s partnerima koji su imali iskustvo nasilja pri čemu pored temeljnih pretpostavki za provođenje medijacije ističu nužnost uvažavanja i specifičnih pretpostavki poput vremenske distance od nasilja, utjecaja nasilja na žrtvu, stvaranja sigurnih uvjeta, dobre educiranosti medijatora te primjene nekih procedura koje bi trebalo provesti po pitanju procjene nasilja, sigurnosti i odabira modela medijacije. ; The paper presents the experience of mediators in the family mediation process in the cases of violence in partner relationships based on the results of a research conducted in seven social welfare centres in which twelve experts adequately trained for the implementation of family mediation participated. The aim of the research was to describe and analyse the experience of the mediators in the family mediation process with the partners who had experienced violence and to determine the possibility of its application in such cases. The qualitative approach was used, and the procedure of topic analysis was used. The research results show that the mediators point out some specific features of the management of the mediation process with the partners who have experienced violence with regard to the safety of the process, establishment of the balance of power and a constructive dialogue of the parties in mediation, which demands the mediators to apply certain techniques and skills. Additionally, the results of the research indicate that the mediators perceive the possibility to implement family mediation with the partners who have experienced violence and that, apart from the basic prerequisites for the implementation of mediation, they emphasise the necessity to recognise the specific prerequisites, such as the time distance from violence, the influence of violence on the victim, creation of safe conditions, good level of the mediators' education and the application of some procedures which should be conducted in terms of the assessment of violence, safety and selection of the mediation model

Cilj je ovog rada sagledati i analizirati aktivnosti usmjerene protiv seksualnog nasilja povezanog s oružanim sukobima, a koje se provode unutar sustava UN-a i koji su ili mogu biti primjeri primjene koncepta odgovornosti za pružanje zaštite (engl. responsibility to protect – RtoP) na putu k učinkovitoj borbi protiv korištenja seksualnog nasilja u oružanim sukobima. RtoP je relativno novi instrument političkih odnosa koji pretpostavlja odgovornost države da stanovništvo na svom području primjereno zaštiti od genocida, zločina protiv čovječnosti, ratnih zločina i etničkog čišćenja, s jedne strane. S druge strane pretpostavlja i odgovornost međunarodne zajednice u poticanju i pomaganju država kako bi one lakše ostvarile svoju primarnu odgovornost, ali i poduzimanje pravodobnih i odlučnih mjera kada primarna odgovornost očito izostaje. Te se odgovornosti sagledavaju u kontekstu, tzv. tri stupa RtoP koncepta, kroz koje se može promatrati i zaštita pojedinaca (uglavnom žena, ali ne isključivo) od seksualnog nasilja povezanog s oružanim sukobima. ; This paper aims to consider and analyze activities against conflict-related sexual violence, which are carried out within the UN system and represent or may serve as examples of the implementation of the concept of responsibility to protect (RtoP) on the path to effectively combating sexual violence in armed conflict. RtoP is a relatively new instrument of political relations that presupposes the responsibility of the state to adequately protect the population in its territory from genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes, and ethnic cleansing, on the one hand, and the responsibility of the international community to encourage and assist states in their primary responsibility and taking timely and decisive measures when primary responsibility is clearly absent, on the other. These responsibilities are seen in the context of the socalled three pillars of the RtoP concept, through which the protection of individuals (mostly women, but not exclusively) from ...

Like other landmark historic events, the war on the territory of former Yugoslavia has been explained by three types of theories: mythological, scientific, & commonsensical -- the latter making use of certain pseudoscientific arguments. The author claims that the theory blaming the media in all six republics of former Yugoslavia for the outbreak of the war belongs to the latter type. The empirical findings gathered on the eve of the war show that ethnic tolerance was highest in the republics that were later struck by the war: Bosnia & Herzegovina & Croatia. The author provides an alternative explanation of the role of the media in paving the way for the war. Only in Serbia did mass media, in the circumstances of the prevailing authoritarian orientation of the population before the war, serve the aggressive nationalist leadership as a means for political mobilization, which aroused in the Serbian people both a feeling of imperilment & a sense of omnipotence. After the outbreak of the war in Croatia & Bosnia & Herzegovina, the media became only one of several elements in an ever-expanding spiral of hatred & violence. 2 Tables, 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of this paper is to compare the Western European scientific insight into the relation between sport & violence in contemporary societies with the respective Croatian scientific insight. The point of departure for the comparison is the excellent evaluation of the available scientific research of this relation offered in the book of the French sociologists Bodin, Robene & Heas Sport & Violence in Europe. They analyze the sociological, political science, psychological & other research of sport related violence, including those of its aspects that have been insufficiently recognized or neglected; they especially highlight the importance of understanding the violence of extremist sport fans for the understanding of the whole phenomenon. From 1980's onwards the violence of sport fans is equally present in Croatia as in the countries of EU but in the last decade Croatia cannot stand comparison with the EU countries when it comes to the efficiency of the measures undertaken to prevent & bring an end to this type of violence. The authors of this paper claim that the respective research of Croatian sociologists, political scientists & others can stand comparison with those in the Western European countries as to their theoretical insight, applied methodology & the quality of interpretations. This is true, however, only regarding the research of manifest violence, & it does not entirely apply for research of latent violence. Adapted from the source document.

Like other landmark historic events, the war on the territory of former Yugoslavia has been explained by three types of theories: mythological, scientific, & commonsensical -- the latter making use of certain pseudoscientific arguments. The author claims that the theory blaming the media in all six republics of former Yugoslavia for the outbreak of the war belongs to the latter type. The empirical findings gathered on the eve of the war show that ethnic tolerance was highest in the republics that were later struck by the war: Bosnia & Herzegovina & Croatia. The author provides an alternative explanation of the role of the media in paving the way for the war. Only in Serbia did mass media, in the circumstances of the prevailing authoritarian orientation of the population before the war, serve the aggressive nationalist leadership as a means for political mobilization, which aroused in the Serbian people both a feeling of imperilment & a sense of omnipotence. After the outbreak of the war in Croatia & Bosnia & Herzegovina, the media became only one of several elements in an ever-expanding spiral of hatred & violence. 2 Tables, 10 References. Adapted from the source document.

Violations of human rights have become an almost daily occurrence reported on TV & in the press. Massacres, murders, torture, violence, imprisonment of political opponents, are facts of life in a number of contemporary states; these states blatantly curtail the human rights of their citizens. It is argued that the governments & peoples of other countries have not only the right but also the duty to demand that these rights be respected. This feeling of global responsibility is increasing every day as part of the process of globalization itself. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.