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23 pages ; Voting by internet may seem easy. It is not difficult to count ballots. Many banking or commercial transactions take place on the Web. Internet voting, however, presents computer scientists with a new challenge. Firstly, voting secrecy prevents observation of the voting procedure. Secondly, there should be no trace linking a voter with his ballot paper. Lastly, election fraud at all levels has existed for as long as there have been elections and this danger cannot be neglected. This article presents several aspects of remote internet voting. It points out the significance of the elections and outlines its history. It describes remote Internet voting and the inherent technical risks it causes. Finally, it examines the compatibility of Internet voting with several principles of democracy. Several examples which demonstrate the practices of various countries are presented as are the policies of several governmental or international institutions. It appears that internet voting is less safe than remote voting using traditional mail because its complexity introduces multiples security flaws. In addition, the lack of transparency, which is a common characteristic of all the electronic voting systems, leads to doubt about the validity of election results. ; À première vue, voter par internet semble aller de soi. Il n'est pas difficile d'additionner des voix, et de nombreuses transactions bancaires ou commerciales se déroulent via ce nouveau medium. Mais cette opération présente des caractéristiques inédites dans le domaine informatique. Tout d'abord, le secret du vote interdit d'observer la procédure pendant son déroulement. Ensuite, le scrutin ne doit laisser aucune trace permettant de lier chaque électeur à son bulletin. Enfin, depuis que les élections existent, il y a toujours eu des tentatives de fraude à tous les niveaux et ce paramètre ne peut être négligé. Cet article détaille plusieurs aspects du vote à distance par internet. Il rappelle la signification des élections dans le domaine politique et en ...

Programme doctoral en Sciences économiques ; In the first chapter (« Optimal Vote Buying » coauthored with Leon Musolff, Princeton University), we analyze a vote buying problem. We show that bribing a supermajority can be cheaper due to pivotal considerations. When a large number of committee members receive a bribe, they do not expect to be pivotal in the election. As a result, it is sufficient to offer them a small amount of money in exchange for their vote. Due to this mechanism, it turns out that the vote buyer generally prefers to bribe a supermajority.In the second chapter (« Voting and contributing when the group is watching » coauthored with Emeric Henry, Sciences Po) we study the interaction between the way members vote on rules and their subsequent behaviors. This analysis applies to groups who choose their own rules and who care about their image. We study how players' considerations depend on the visibility of the process. We show that multiple norms can emerge. We discuss the problem of a social planner and the implications for welfare.The last chapter (« Military service and political participation » coauthored with Etienne Fize) investigates the impact of the French military service on political behaviors. Exploiting the suspension of mandatory conscription for French men, we find a significant and positive impact of military service on turnout. This effect ranges from 3.6 percentage points for the first round of the presidential election of 2012 to 8.9 percentage points for the second round of the legislative elections. We also investigate the impact of conscription on political preferences and we find that former conscripts are significantly more nationalist and conservative. ; Le premier chapitre de cette thèse, intitulé « Optimal Vote Buying » (co-écrit avec Leon Musolff, Princeton University) s'intéresse à la corruption de comités. Il s'agit d'une contribution théorique dans laquelle nous montrons qu'il est généralement peu onéreux de corrompre une large majorité de membres du comité. En ...

Programme doctoral en Sciences économiques ; In the first chapter (« Optimal Vote Buying » coauthored with Leon Musolff, Princeton University), we analyze a vote buying problem. We show that bribing a supermajority can be cheaper due to pivotal considerations. When a large number of committee members receive a bribe, they do not expect to be pivotal in the election. As a result, it is sufficient to offer them a small amount of money in exchange for their vote. Due to this mechanism, it turns out that the vote buyer generally prefers to bribe a supermajority.In the second chapter (« Voting and contributing when the group is watching » coauthored with Emeric Henry, Sciences Po) we study the interaction between the way members vote on rules and their subsequent behaviors. This analysis applies to groups who choose their own rules and who care about their image. We study how players' considerations depend on the visibility of the process. We show that multiple norms can emerge. We discuss the problem of a social planner and the implications for welfare.The last chapter (« Military service and political participation » coauthored with Etienne Fize) investigates the impact of the French military service on political behaviors. Exploiting the suspension of mandatory conscription for French men, we find a significant and positive impact of military service on turnout. This effect ranges from 3.6 percentage points for the first round of the presidential election of 2012 to 8.9 percentage points for the second round of the legislative elections. We also investigate the impact of conscription on political preferences and we find that former conscripts are significantly more nationalist and conservative. ; Le premier chapitre de cette thèse, intitulé « Optimal Vote Buying » (co-écrit avec Leon Musolff, Princeton University) s'intéresse à la corruption de comités. Il s'agit d'une contribution théorique dans laquelle nous montrons qu'il est généralement peu onéreux de corrompre une large majorité de membres du comité. En effet, lorsque le comité est largement corrompu, les membres considèrent que l'option soutenue par celui qui corrompt le comité sera probablement plébiscitée. Aucun vote ne peut alors faire basculer l'élection et les membres du comité sont prêts à accepter un pot-de-vin modeste en échange de leur vote.Dans le deuxième chapitre (co-écrit avec Emeric Henry, Sciences Po) nous étudions les interactions entre le vote et les normes sociales. Nous analysons un modèle dans lequel un groupe choisit sa propre règle. Dans une première étape, chaque membre vote pour ou contre une règle. Une fois le règlement établi, les membres du groupes choisissent une action dont les conséquences dépendent de la règle choisie. Nous étudions comment le vote et le comportement ultérieur interagissent.Enfin, le dernier chapitre (co-écrit avec Etienne Fize) traite de l'impact du service militaire obligatoire en France sur les comportements politiques. Nous trouvons d'une part que les individus ayant fait leur service militaire sont plus enclins à voter. Pour les élections de 2012, nous estimons que l'effet est de l'ordre de 4 points de pourcentage pour les élections présidentielles et atteint les 9 points pour le second tour des élections législatives. Nous étudions également les conséquences sur les préférences politiques. Nous trouvons que les anciens conscrits sont plus à droite.

Clientelism, vote-buying, patronage, and other such personal exchanges have a negative effect on democracy, but the chain of causality is not unidirectional. In many developing democracies, weak regime consolidation and erratic government responsiveness in stagnant economies motivate politicians and voters to use personal exchanges. When actors opt for personal exchanges to fill gaps in representation and responsiveness, they are choosing methods at odds with the consolidation of democratic institutions, but they are not surrendering to authoritarian subjugation. The dynamics of personal exchanges accompany broader sociopolitical changes and are negotiable and participatory to a degree dependent on their context. This paper seeks to analyze these dynamics through a case study of Mexico City, where the governments of the Democratic Revolutionary Party and their constituents champion democracy and equality, while also engaging in personal exchanges. Adapted from the source document.