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The article analyzes the debate on "racial" or "ethnic voting" in postapartheid South Africa, looking at its implications for democratic theory. A critical review is offered of "sociological" (culture- & class-based) as well as "psychological" & political communication explanations for the unexpected tendency of the 'coloured' voters in the Cape area to "betray" the African National Congress & line up with the white electorate after 1993. An alternative explanation is also offered that seeks to combine elements from the theory of cleavages, class voting theory, & the Downsian theory of elections. It is based on the application of some recent developments of European & American rational choice sociology to the genesis of voting preferences, as well as on the concept of language repertoire & central place theory. Finally, some possible adjustments to the liberal democratic model in contexts marked by economic, language, culture, & geographic differentials are recommended from within the theoretical framework of the neo-contractarian views of democracy. 8 Tables, 2 Figures, 72 References. Adapted from the source document.

Following the psychol'ts & econ'ts, pol'al sci'ts have focused their attention on studies of the decision-making process. Sci'fic methods, analyzing the phenomenon, & making it possible to predict the outcome, have been set forth by diff investigators. The results are far from being satisfactory. In effect, it is only possible to make predictions when a minimum of knowledge, freedom & coherence presides over human decisions. If we pass from the individual to the collective, which is that of pol'al decisions, we see that the decisions of several individuals are not only `concurrent' but 'cooperative', for they tend to arrive at a single decision for the entire group. It is interesting to compare the individual choice of a consumer & the individual choice of a voter (the vote of the majority being the normal group means of arriving at a decision). Certain authors, Black in particular, do not see any diff in principle between them. Others, like Buchanan, see fundamental diff's: the consumer knows the immediate result of his choice, not the voter; the first wishes to satisfy his tastes, the latter to realize his values: above all the latter can be forced to accept a result contrary to his choice. Pol'al decisions, made in uncertainty, are thus exposed to coercion. Tr. by Z. Dana from IPSA.

This article analyzes the "dramatizing mobilization" of the electorate that took place in the Italian general elections of 2001. The author suggests that the electoral campaign has been focused mainly on the choice "for" or "against" Berlusconi, which may have somewhat simplified the voting decision. However, it could also have stimulated the electoral participation, since turnout has been greater than expected. In the Center-Left, the "dramatizing mobilization" seems to have mainly favored the new aggregation called "Margherita." In the Center-Right, the same phenomenon helps explain why the "Casa delle Liberta" coalition has received a number of votes in the "plurality" vote significantly lower than the sum of the votes obtained by its individual parties in the "proportional" vote. Finally, the analysis suggests that the "dramatizing mobilization" brought a positive effect for the Center-Left coalition, stimulating mostly the vote "against" Berlusconi. 5 Tables, 4 Figures, 5 References. Adapted from the source document.

The changes in the electoral & party system at the beginning of the 1990s had clear consequences on attitudes & behavior of Italian ordinary citizens. By looking at the feature of political competition through the analysis of several public opinion surveys, three main results can be shown. First, with respect to the self-placement on the Left-Right dimension, Italian voters "discovered the Right." Second, party locations on the Left-Right continuum became an unsettled aspect of the electoral competition: in particular, citizen perception of party placement changed according with the overall pattern of their alliances. Finally, several cues suggest that a new political entity appeared on the Italian political landscape: the coalition. From the voter perspective, Center-Left & Center-Right alliances (including their candidates) turned out to be among the main actors of the electoral competition. At least a fourth of Italian voters made use of a judgment criterion based on an amicus/hostis logic. Hence, we concluded that the (perceived) fight between party coalitions is exploited as an easy shortcut for electoral choice. 2 Tables, 6 Figures, 58 References. Adapted from the source document.

For at least a quarter of a century, sociologists, political scientists, & political analysts wondered if & how classical social variables -- in the first place those related to socio-structural cleavage -- which for decades had guided the analyses of political behavior & attitudes, could be capable of "explaining" the variance of electoral behavior today. Our empirical research consisted in building up an explanatory model for electoral choice in Italy, having -- in three subsequent steps -- social cleavages (class, religion & territory), socio-demographic variables (age, gender & education) & various political attitudes as independent variables, & applying such model over a rather long period of time. This, in order to see if & how the capability of this model -- & of the three different sets of variables -- of explaining electoral behavior has changed over time. We have applied such a model to the national elections of 1968, 1972, 1983, 2001 & 2006, using logistic regressions with vote dichotomized into Center-left vs. Center-right parties. The results show clearly the existence of a rather true gap between the elections of 1968, 1972, 1983 & the election of 2001 & 2006: the ability of the model to correctly predict voting outcome & the general fitting of the model sharply declined between these two groups of elections. In 2001 & in 2006 the variables that we can define as "socio-structural" for their link to social cleavages or to basic socio-demographic characteristics, seem to be almost completely irrelevant for the purpose of understanding-explain electoral behavior in Italy. We do not know how much of the different explanatory ability within the very same model for the years '70-'80, & at present, is due to the transformation of the political system (also as a consequence of the new electoral legislation), or if caused by a real process that makes collective identity grow significantly weaker, thus favoring the individualization of politics & electoral behavior. Whichever be the answer to this question, the fact is that today, sociological variables seem to be unable to explain voting behavior successfully in Italy. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

La tesi si è consolidata nell'analisi dell'impatto dei social networks nella costruzione dello spazio pubblico, nella sfera di osservazione che è la rete e il web2.0. Osservando che il paradigma della società civile si sia modificato. Ridefinendo immagini e immaginari e forme di autorappresentazione sui new media (Castells, 2010). Nel presupposto che lo spazio pubblico "non è mai una realtà precostituita" (Innerarity, 2008) ma si muove all'interno di reti che generano e garantiscono socievolezza. Nell'obiettivo di capire cosa è spazio pubblico. Civic engagement che si rafforza in spazi simbolici (Sassen, 2008), nodi d'incontro significativi. Ivi cittadini-consumatori avanzano corresponsabilmente le proprie istanze per la debacle nei governi. Cultura partecipativa che prende mossa da un nuovo senso civico mediato che si esprime nelle "virtù" del consumo critico. Portando la politica sul mercato. Cultura civica autoattualizzata alla ricerca di soluzioni alle crisi degli ultimi anni. Potere di una comunicazione che riduce il mondo ad un "villaggio globale" e mettono in relazione i pubblici connessi in spazi e tempi differenti, dando origine ad azioni collettive come nel caso degli Indignados, di Occupy Wall Street o di Rai per una notte. Emerge un (ri)pensare la citizenship secondo due paradigmi (Bennett,2008): l'uno orientato al governo attraverso i partiti, modello "Dutiful Citizenship"; l'altro, modello "Self Actualizing Citizenship" per cui i pubblici attivi seguono news ed eventi, percepiscono un minor obbligo nel governo, il voto è meno significativo per (s)fiducia nei media e nei politici. Mercato e società civile si muovono per il bene comune e una nuova "felicità". La partecipazione si costituisce in consumerismo politico all'interno di reti in cui si sviluppano azioni individuali attraverso il social networking e scelte di consumo responsabile. Partendo dall'etnografia digitale, si è definito il modello "4 C": Conoscenza > Coadesione > Co-partecipazione > Corresposabilità (azioni collettive) > Cultura-bility. ; The thesis has been consolidated in the analysis of the impact of social networks in the construction of public space, in the sphere of observation represented from networking and web2.0. Noting that the paradigm of civil society has changed. Redefining images and imaginary and forms of self-representation on the new media (Castells, 2010). On the assumption that public space "is never a preconceived reality" (Innerarity, 2008) but moves within networks that generate and provide sociability At the aim to understand what is public space (between online and offline) Civic engagement that gets increased in symbolic spaces (Sassen, 2008), significant meeting nodes. Thus citizens-consumers co-responsibly advance their issues for the debacle in governments. Participatory culture that gets moved by a new civic engagement mediated expressed in the "virtues" of critical consumption. Bringing the policy on the market. Self actualized civic culture searching solutions to the crisis of recent years. Power of a communication that reduces the world to a "global village", linking "connected publics" in different spaces and times, giving rise to collective actions as the Indignados movement, Occupy Wall Street or, in Italy, "Rai per una notte". Emerge a (re)thinking citizenship according to two paradigms (Bennett, 2008): one oriented to the government through parties, "dutiful Citizenship" model; the other, "Self Actualizing Citizenship" model, for which the active publics followed news and events, perceive a lower requirement in the government, the vote is less significant because of (not)trust in the media and politicians. Market and civil society moved togheter for the common good and a new "happiness". Participation gets constituted as political consumerism into networks in which individual actions are developed through social networking and responsible consumer choices. Starting with digital ethnography, we define the model "C 4" Knowledge> Co-support> Co-participation> Co-resposability (collective action)> Culture-ability.