Viability, Information Seeking, and Vote Choice
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 76, Heft 1, S. 152-166
ISSN: 1468-2508
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 76, Heft 1, S. 152-166
ISSN: 1468-2508
In: Social science quarterly, Band 49, Heft 1, S. 87-102
ISSN: 0038-4941
The focus is the basic consensus & dissensus that is evident in the US electorate every 4 yrs & the lack of direct translation of PO into public policy in a democracy. Using 1964 as an example, a study of a nat'l sample of voters (Survey Res Center) indicates that there is a surprising degree of agreement on many issues, even when the electorate is faced with 2 clear alternatives & an 'ostensibly ideological campaign.' The study indicates the relative uncohesive nature of the Johnson 'mandate' (Guttman scale analysis) & delineates the salience of certain issues such as Medicare (factor analysis). It was discovered that civil rights issues fell into the realm of the least divisive issues in 1964 in spite of the nature of campaign output, & that L. B. Johnson & B. Goldwater voters displayed similar levels of issue intensity. Most of the evidence presented points to the continued failure of US voters to put their cognitive map in order re a liberal-conservative continuum. AA.
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 70, Heft 4, S. 1128-1141
ISSN: 1468-2508
"The paper tests a simple model of vote choice in a mixed electoral system when voters have two
votes with survey data collected at the time of the 2010 North Rhine Westphalia election. We
show that local candidate preferences and local chances affect only the local vote while party
and leader ratings influence both votes though more strongly the list vote. Contrary to
expectations, coalition preferences influence the local vote as well as the list vote. There is
clearer evidence of the local vote being contaminated by the list vote than the other way
around." (author's abstract)
In: British journal of political science, Band 45, Heft 4, S. 883-905
ISSN: 1469-2112
This article develops and tests a set of theoretical mechanisms by which candidate ethnicity may have affected the party vote choice of both white British and ethnic minority voters in the 2010 British general election. Ethnic minority candidates suffered an average electoral penalty of about 4 per cent of the three-party vote from whites, mostly because those with anti-immigrant feelings were less willing to vote for Muslims. Ethnic minority voter responses to candidate ethnicity differed by ethnic group. There were no significant effects for non-Muslim Indian and black voters, while Pakistani candidates benefited from an 8-point average electoral bonus from Pakistani voters.
In: Electoral Studies, Band 28, Heft 4, S. 584-594
This paper examines the impact of liberal-conservative ideology on voting behavior in the 2004 presidential election, using data from the CPS National Election Study for that year. The empirical results show that there was widespread recognition of the candidates' and parties' ideological positions. However, liberal-conservative identifications exerted no direct impact on voting choices within the 2004 electorate. On the other hand, liberal- conservative identifications did show an indirect effect which operated through their influence on the more proximate determinants of electoral decisions. These findings clarify the role of ideology in the 2004 presidential election. They also conform very closely to the basic theoretical structure laid out in The American Voter. This paper examines the role of ideology as a determinant of recent voting behavior in the American electorate. The analysis uses data from the 2004 CPS National Election Study, and the empirical results suggest a somewhat complicated interpretation. On the one hand, liberal-conservative orientations had no direct impact whatsoever on citizens' voting choices. On the other hand, mass perceptions and evaluations of the candidates, issues, and conditions within the external environment were clearly structured along ideological lines. And, the latter did influence electoral decisions. Therefore, liberal-conservative ideology exerted an important, but completely indirect, effect on citizens' 2004 voting choices. These findings have important implications, not only for understanding the role of ideology in American elections, but also for theories of voting behavior. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]
This dissertation addresses the effects of electoral complexity for voters and how voter responses to complexity affect the quality of representation. I identify a tradeoff between more representative elections and the cognitive burdens longer ballots create for voters. Chapter 1 provides the motivation for the project and highlights the role of choice set size in creating complexity for voters. Chapter 2 tests for a relationship between the number of candidates and participation rates in four Brazilian elections. In Chapter 3, I introduce an experimental approach to study the microfoundations of the effects of complexity on voters. Using a survey experiment that randomly varies ballot length and the presence of information about candidates' partisan affiliations, I find strong support for the relationship identified in Chapter 2. When presented with more candidates, many voters are deterred from participating, with party labels facilitating participation but not mitigating the effects of choice set size. Chapter 4 turns to the consequences of complexity for voters' information acquisition strategies. Using a second survey experiment, I manipulate both ballot length and the candidates' attributes while monitoring voters' information acquisition strategies. Here I introduce an original online survey platform that fully randomizes the generation of the experimental ballots as well as a new measure of correct policy voting. I find that even for those voters who are not deterred by complex ballots, variations in the number of candidates can have substantial effects on their decision-making strategies. When presented with more candidates, many voters learn less about their options, rely on potentially unreliable cues of candidates quality, and make poor choices
BASE
In: Political research quarterly: PRQ ; official journal of the Western Political Science Association and other associations, Band 74, Heft 2, S. 348-363
ISSN: 1938-274X
Why do voters in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) vote for Euroskeptic political parties? Existing explanations of Euroskepticism suggest that those benefiting economically due to the European Union (EU) are less likely to be Euroskeptic. These approaches fail to take into account the social purpose of EU economic transfers. I argue that the minority advancement realized through EU funding drives voters toward Euroskeptic electoral options. I provide evidence of this relationship through two methods: a large-N statistical analysis and a survey experiment. The large-N analysis employs time-series, regional data from ten CEE member states. The survey experiment tests the hypothesis with a nationally representative sample of the Slovak population. Results from both methods corroborate the hypothesized relationship. Importantly, results suggest that reactionary voters may undermine the long-term institutional goals of the EU due to the short-term consequences of EU policies.
In: Public choice, Band 55, Heft 1-2, S. 127-160
ISSN: 1573-7101
In: Public choice, Band 55, Heft 1-2, S. 127, 161
ISSN: 0048-5829
In: Political communication: an international journal, Band 36, Heft 3, S. 376-393
ISSN: 1091-7675
In: When Does Gender Matter?, S. 123-142
In: Proceedings of the annual meeting / American Society of International Law, Band 103, S. 278-280
ISSN: 2169-1118
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Band 70, Heft 4, S. 1128-1141
ISSN: 0022-3816
In: Peace research abstracts journal, Band 44, Heft 1, S. 627-628
ISSN: 0031-3599