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The National Front's claim to be populist makes it part of very widespread movement in Europe, which could be characterized by the refusal of mediation, the call to the people against the elite. But mistrust towards a political personnel considered as corrupt is, for example, also widespread in the electorate of extreme left. The voter of the FN is characterized rather by his ethnocentrism, his rejection of the others. And populist is not necessarily synonymous with "popular". The most disadvantaged social category, that of the workmen, is more represented in the electorate of the PC or the Hunters that in the FN, which makes better scores by the craftsmen, the industrialists and the liberal professions. The popular classes are distinguished initially by their abstentionism. The extreme right is thus at the same time less "populist" and less "popular" than it does appear. ; Le Front national, en se revendiquant du populisme, s'inscrit dans une mouvance très répandue en Europe, qui pourrait se caractériser par le refus de la médiation, l'appel au peuple contre les élites. Mais la méfiance envers un personnel politique considéré comme corrompu est, par exemple, aussi fréquente dans l'électorat d'extrême gauche. L'électeur du FN se distingue plutôt par son ethnocentrisme, son rejet des autres. Et populiste n'est pas nécessairement synonyme de « populaire ». La catégorie sociale la plus défavorisée, celle des ouvriers, est plus représentée dans l'électorat du PC ou des Chasseurs que dans celui du FN, qui fait de meilleurs scores chez les artisans, les industriels et les professions libérales. Les milieux populaires se singularisent d'abord par leur abstentionnisme. L'extrême droite est donc à la fois moins «populiste» et moins «populaire» qu'il n'y paraît.

The National Front's claim to be populist makes it part of very widespread movement in Europe, which could be characterized by the refusal of mediation, the call to the people against the elite. But mistrust towards a political personnel considered as corrupt is, for example, also widespread in the electorate of extreme left. The voter of the FN is characterized rather by his ethnocentrism, his rejection of the others. And populist is not necessarily synonymous with "popular". The most disadvantaged social category, that of the workmen, is more represented in the electorate of the PC or the Hunters that in the FN, which makes better scores by the craftsmen, the industrialists and the liberal professions. The popular classes are distinguished initially by their abstentionism. The extreme right is thus at the same time less "populist" and less "popular" than it does appear. ; Le Front national, en se revendiquant du populisme, s'inscrit dans une mouvance très répandue en Europe, qui pourrait se caractériser par le refus de la médiation, l'appel au peuple contre les élites. Mais la méfiance envers un personnel politique considéré comme corrompu est, par exemple, aussi fréquente dans l'électorat d'extrême gauche. L'électeur du FN se distingue plutôt par son ethnocentrisme, son rejet des autres. Et populiste n'est pas nécessairement synonyme de « populaire ». La catégorie sociale la plus défavorisée, celle des ouvriers, est plus représentée dans l'électorat du PC ou des Chasseurs que dans celui du FN, qui fait de meilleurs scores chez les artisans, les industriels et les professions libérales. Les milieux populaires se singularisent d'abord par leur abstentionnisme. L'extrême droite est donc à la fois moins «populiste» et moins «populaire» qu'il n'y paraît.

"This comprehensive reference covers all aspects of politics and voting--from elections and campaigns, to major political figures and parties, to the role of media and major activist groups. Includes 220 alphabetically arranged entries on American voting and related topics. Features maps and tables that provide insights into American voting trends in the 21st century. Covers the evolution of the legal right to vote. Traces the changing population of the United States and its impact on voting"--

Dans le dossier thématique "Les dynamiques territoriales" ; International audience ; A democracia brasileira têm obviamente uma dimensão espacial. Pode-se observar a criação de um espaço político em uma escala nacional, mas isto implica em diferenças regionais e sobretudo em contrastes entre áreas urbanas e rurais. Os votos urbanos exprimem um certo tipo de modernidade política? Pode-se estabelecer uma relação entre o grau de urbanização e esta modernidade? Tanto o texto como os mapas que nos mostram os resultados eleitorais em várias escalas nos dão material a refletir. *** The brazilian democracy obviously has a spatial dimension. On a national scale, one can observe the creation of a political space, but that goes along with regional differences, and even more clearly with contrasts between urban and rural areas. Do the urban votes express some kind of political modernity? Can we establish a link between the degree of urbanisation and that modernity ? Both the text and the maps showing electoral results on various scales give us food for thought. ; La démocratie brésilienne a une dimension spatiale incontestable. On observe au Brésil la création d'un espace politique à l'échelle nationale qui ne gomme cependant pas les différences régionales et qui accentue surtout les différences entre zones urbaines et rurales. Les votes urbains expriment-ils un certain type de modernité politiue ? Peut-on établir une relation entre le degré de modernisation et cette modernité ?

Dans le dossier thématique "Les dynamiques territoriales" ; International audience ; A democracia brasileira têm obviamente uma dimensão espacial. Pode-se observar a criação de um espaço político em uma escala nacional, mas isto implica em diferenças regionais e sobretudo em contrastes entre áreas urbanas e rurais. Os votos urbanos exprimem um certo tipo de modernidade política? Pode-se estabelecer uma relação entre o grau de urbanização e esta modernidade? Tanto o texto como os mapas que nos mostram os resultados eleitorais em várias escalas nos dão material a refletir. *** The brazilian democracy obviously has a spatial dimension. On a national scale, one can observe the creation of a political space, but that goes along with regional differences, and even more clearly with contrasts between urban and rural areas. Do the urban votes express some kind of political modernity? Can we establish a link between the degree of urbanisation and that modernity ? Both the text and the maps showing electoral results on various scales give us food for thought. ; La démocratie brésilienne a une dimension spatiale incontestable. On observe au Brésil la création d'un espace politique à l'échelle nationale qui ne gomme cependant pas les différences régionales et qui accentue surtout les différences entre zones urbaines et rurales. Les votes urbains expriment-ils un certain type de modernité politiue ? Peut-on établir une relation entre le degré de modernisation et cette modernité ?

"If we think of votes as 'votes for' candidates, then it would make some sense to declare any candidate who wins only a plurality of votes, but not a majority, as the victor." ~ Donald J. Boudreaux

The level of electoral turnout is arguably the most widely monitored form of electoral participation. Consequently, electoral systems have often been cited as having a significant effect on turnout levels even though scholars do not agree on the effects of these complex institutions. Since most previous studies have relied on categorical or dichotomous electoral system indicators, this study utilizes Carey and Shugart's personal vote index to gain theoretical leverage on other electoral system components. In short, I find that where electoral competition is predicated on party, rather than candidates', reputations, turnout levels rise. The results of a time-series cross-sectional analysis reveal that the personal vote index significantly influences turnout levels even when controlling for a host of other factors. [Copyright Elsevier Ltd.]