The article discusses the issues of political competence, political activity and political communication in Lithuania. The concept of political competence is operationalized and measured in terms of threefold sub-levels: the level of political information, the congruence between the perception of left-right wing politics, and self-placement on the left-right wing political scale together with the actual voting preferences. Analysis revealed the dependence of the level of political competence upon demographic criteria and personal values. The main problem is incompatibility between the level of political competence and political activity. The most active citizens do not necessarily have substantial political knowledge while the most competent citizens often abstain from active civic and political involvement.
The article discusses the issues of political competence, political activity and political communication in Lithuania. The concept of political competence is operationalized and measured in terms of threefold sub-levels: the level of political information, the congruence between the perception of left-right wing politics, and self-placement on the left-right wing political scale together with the actual voting preferences. Analysis revealed the dependence of the level of political competence upon demographic criteria and personal values. The main problem is incompatibility between the level of political competence and political activity. The most active citizens do not necessarily have substantial political knowledge while the most competent citizens often abstain from active civic and political involvement.
The article discusses the issues of political competence, political activity and political communication in Lithuania. The concept of political competence is operationalized and measured in terms of threefold sub-levels: the level of political information, the congruence between the perception of left-right wing politics, and self-placement on the left-right wing political scale together with the actual voting preferences. Analysis revealed the dependence of the level of political competence upon demographic criteria and personal values. The main problem is incompatibility between the level of political competence and political activity. The most active citizens do not necessarily have substantial political knowledge while the most competent citizens often abstain from active civic and political involvement.
Our study is directed toward the examination of attitudinal grounds of political decision-making among young (≤ 24 years old) Lithuanian voters in the national parliamentary elections. The focus is on their attitudes regarding politically specific evaluative dimensions (competence, honesty and leadership). To estimate the prognostic values of explicit/implicit attitudes toward different Lithuanian political parties, we asked participants to fill out a questionnaire and to perform three sets of ST-IATs respectively. Due to the low voting diversity among participants, an elaborate data analysis could only be conducted regarding two Lithuanian parties: the Liberal Movement (LRLS) and Homeland Union – Lithuanian Christian Democrats (TS-LKD). The results of our study suggest that explicit attitudes are more important than implicit attitudes in predicting voting behavior. We found that positive explicit and positive implicit attitudes toward the LRLS competence and leadership, respectively, predicted the decision to vote for this party (reference group: non-voters). On the same note, our findings suggest that positive explicit and implicit attitudes toward the TS-LKD honesty predicted the decision to vote for this party (reference group: non-voters). Positive implicit attitudes toward the party's competence also predicted this decision. Finally, we found that political sophistication was an important factor by only considering explicit attitudes toward TS-LKD. Namely, the increase of explicit attitudes' prognostic power on the decision to vote for TS-LKD was associated with the decrease of voters' political sophistication (reference group: non-voters).
Our study is directed toward the examination of attitudinal grounds of political decision-making among young (≤ 24 years old) Lithuanian voters in the national parliamentary elections. The focus is on their attitudes regarding politically specific evaluative dimensions (competence, honesty and leadership). To estimate the prognostic values of explicit/implicit attitudes toward different Lithuanian political parties, we asked participants to fill out a questionnaire and to perform three sets of ST-IATs respectively. Due to the low voting diversity among participants, an elaborate data analysis could only be conducted regarding two Lithuanian parties: the Liberal Movement (LRLS) and Homeland Union – Lithuanian Christian Democrats (TS-LKD). The results of our study suggest that explicit attitudes are more important than implicit attitudes in predicting voting behavior. We found that positive explicit and positive implicit attitudes toward the LRLS competence and leadership, respectively, predicted the decision to vote for this party (reference group: non-voters). On the same note, our findings suggest that positive explicit and implicit attitudes toward the TS-LKD honesty predicted the decision to vote for this party (reference group: non-voters). Positive implicit attitudes toward the party's competence also predicted this decision. Finally, we found that political sophistication was an important factor by only considering explicit attitudes toward TS-LKD. Namely, the increase of explicit attitudes' prognostic power on the decision to vote for TS-LKD was associated with the decrease of voters' political sophistication (reference group: non-voters).
Our study is directed toward the examination of attitudinal grounds of political decision-making among young (≤ 24 years old) Lithuanian voters in the national parliamentary elections. The focus is on their attitudes regarding politically specific evaluative dimensions (competence, honesty and leadership). To estimate the prognostic values of explicit/implicit attitudes toward different Lithuanian political parties, we asked participants to fill out a questionnaire and to perform three sets of ST-IATs respectively. Due to the low voting diversity among participants, an elaborate data analysis could only be conducted regarding two Lithuanian parties: the Liberal Movement (LRLS) and Homeland Union – Lithuanian Christian Democrats (TS-LKD). The results of our study suggest that explicit attitudes are more important than implicit attitudes in predicting voting behavior. We found that positive explicit and positive implicit attitudes toward the LRLS competence and leadership, respectively, predicted the decision to vote for this party (reference group: non-voters). On the same note, our findings suggest that positive explicit and implicit attitudes toward the TS-LKD honesty predicted the decision to vote for this party (reference group: non-voters). Positive implicit attitudes toward the party's competence also predicted this decision. Finally, we found that political sophistication was an important factor by only considering explicit attitudes toward TS-LKD. Namely, the increase of explicit attitudes' prognostic power on the decision to vote for TS-LKD was associated with the decrease of voters' political sophistication (reference group: non-voters).
Our study is directed toward the examination of attitudinal grounds of political decision-making among young (≤ 24 years old) Lithuanian voters in the national parliamentary elections. The focus is on their attitudes regarding politically specific evaluative dimensions (competence, honesty and leadership). To estimate the prognostic values of explicit/implicit attitudes toward different Lithuanian political parties, we asked participants to fill out a questionnaire and to perform three sets of ST-IATs respectively. Due to the low voting diversity among participants, an elaborate data analysis could only be conducted regarding two Lithuanian parties: the Liberal Movement (LRLS) and Homeland Union – Lithuanian Christian Democrats (TS-LKD). The results of our study suggest that explicit attitudes are more important than implicit attitudes in predicting voting behavior. We found that positive explicit and positive implicit attitudes toward the LRLS competence and leadership, respectively, predicted the decision to vote for this party (reference group: non-voters). On the same note, our findings suggest that positive explicit and implicit attitudes toward the TS-LKD honesty predicted the decision to vote for this party (reference group: non-voters). Positive implicit attitudes toward the party's competence also predicted this decision. Finally, we found that political sophistication was an important factor by only considering explicit attitudes toward TS-LKD. Namely, the increase of explicit attitudes' prognostic power on the decision to vote for TS-LKD was associated with the decrease of voters' political sophistication (reference group: non-voters).
SUMMARY Democratic elections - is a very important citizens participation fonn in administration of the statė, Aš well aš a crucial factor in the formation of the representative institutions. Elections can not be democratic and their results legitimate and lawful, if elections are conducted without considering democratic principais and procedures of elections, which are Consolidated in the Constitution. Legislators have a duty to enshrine a system of elections, determine a procedure of elections, which includes: registration of candidates, agitation, procedure of voting, calculating votes, disputes solving, regulation of other elections relations. Legislators have a duty to act in conformity with Constitution. He can not refute, skew, restrict universal and eąual right to nor provide legal basis for other subjects to act in that way. If ignored, it would negate sovereign power of the State. There iš one permanent supreme statė institution for organizing and conducting elections and referendums provided in the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania- the Central Electoral Committee. Tasks of the Central Electoral Committee are aš follows: 1) to organize and conduct parliamentary, presidential and municipal elections (hereinafter referred to aš elections") and referendums; and to ensure that elections and referendums would be hold adhering to the principles of democratic elections, enshrined in the Constitution and laws of the Republic of Lithuania; 2) in the manner and forms prescribed by law, to control financing of political, political campaigns. Committees work consolidates its Constitutional purpose, principais of its organization and competence. Harmonization of election laws enables the implementation of all these features. Thus, while analyzing Central Electoral Committee it iš import to point: 1. The Committee iš enshrined in the Constitution; 2. Constitutional Court made a conclusion- that the - Committee iš main and universal in that point of view, that it can not be negated by "specialized" Presidential Electoral Committee, which was founded in 1993 for one purpose- to organize Elections Of the President. When discharging its functions and making decisions on issues within its competence, the Central Electoral Committee iš independent. No institution officer or may issue mandatory instructions regarding the making of the decision that iš within the competence of the Central Electoral Committee.
SUMMARY Democratic elections - is a very important citizens participation fonn in administration of the statė, Aš well aš a crucial factor in the formation of the representative institutions. Elections can not be democratic and their results legitimate and lawful, if elections are conducted without considering democratic principais and procedures of elections, which are Consolidated in the Constitution. Legislators have a duty to enshrine a system of elections, determine a procedure of elections, which includes: registration of candidates, agitation, procedure of voting, calculating votes, disputes solving, regulation of other elections relations. Legislators have a duty to act in conformity with Constitution. He can not refute, skew, restrict universal and eąual right to nor provide legal basis for other subjects to act in that way. If ignored, it would negate sovereign power of the State. There iš one permanent supreme statė institution for organizing and conducting elections and referendums provided in the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania- the Central Electoral Committee. Tasks of the Central Electoral Committee are aš follows: 1) to organize and conduct parliamentary, presidential and municipal elections (hereinafter referred to aš elections") and referendums; and to ensure that elections and referendums would be hold adhering to the principles of democratic elections, enshrined in the Constitution and laws of the Republic of Lithuania; 2) in the manner and forms prescribed by law, to control financing of political, political campaigns. Committees work consolidates its Constitutional purpose, principais of its organization and competence. Harmonization of election laws enables the implementation of all these features. Thus, while analyzing Central Electoral Committee it iš import to point: 1. The Committee iš enshrined in the Constitution; 2. Constitutional Court made a conclusion- that the - Committee iš main and universal in that point of view, that it can not be negated by "specialized" Presidential Electoral Committee, which was founded in 1993 for one purpose- to organize Elections Of the President. When discharging its functions and making decisions on issues within its competence, the Central Electoral Committee iš independent. No institution officer or may issue mandatory instructions regarding the making of the decision that iš within the competence of the Central Electoral Committee.
SUMMARY Democratic elections - is a very important citizens participation fonn in administration of the statė, Aš well aš a crucial factor in the formation of the representative institutions. Elections can not be democratic and their results legitimate and lawful, if elections are conducted without considering democratic principais and procedures of elections, which are Consolidated in the Constitution. Legislators have a duty to enshrine a system of elections, determine a procedure of elections, which includes: registration of candidates, agitation, procedure of voting, calculating votes, disputes solving, regulation of other elections relations. Legislators have a duty to act in conformity with Constitution. He can not refute, skew, restrict universal and eąual right to nor provide legal basis for other subjects to act in that way. If ignored, it would negate sovereign power of the State. There iš one permanent supreme statė institution for organizing and conducting elections and referendums provided in the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania- the Central Electoral Committee. Tasks of the Central Electoral Committee are aš follows: 1) to organize and conduct parliamentary, presidential and municipal elections (hereinafter referred to aš elections") and referendums; and to ensure that elections and referendums would be hold adhering to the principles of democratic elections, enshrined in the Constitution and laws of the Republic of Lithuania; 2) in the manner and forms prescribed by law, to control financing of political, political campaigns. Committees work consolidates its Constitutional purpose, principais of its organization and competence. Harmonization of election laws enables the implementation of all these features. Thus, while analyzing Central Electoral Committee it iš import to point: 1. The Committee iš enshrined in the Constitution; 2. Constitutional Court made a conclusion- that the - Committee iš main and universal in that point of view, that it can not be negated by "specialized" Presidential Electoral Committee, which was founded in 1993 for one purpose- to organize Elections Of the President. When discharging its functions and making decisions on issues within its competence, the Central Electoral Committee iš independent. No institution officer or may issue mandatory instructions regarding the making of the decision that iš within the competence of the Central Electoral Committee.
SUMMARY Democratic elections - is a very important citizens participation fonn in administration of the statė, Aš well aš a crucial factor in the formation of the representative institutions. Elections can not be democratic and their results legitimate and lawful, if elections are conducted without considering democratic principais and procedures of elections, which are Consolidated in the Constitution. Legislators have a duty to enshrine a system of elections, determine a procedure of elections, which includes: registration of candidates, agitation, procedure of voting, calculating votes, disputes solving, regulation of other elections relations. Legislators have a duty to act in conformity with Constitution. He can not refute, skew, restrict universal and eąual right to nor provide legal basis for other subjects to act in that way. If ignored, it would negate sovereign power of the State. There iš one permanent supreme statė institution for organizing and conducting elections and referendums provided in the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania- the Central Electoral Committee. Tasks of the Central Electoral Committee are aš follows: 1) to organize and conduct parliamentary, presidential and municipal elections (hereinafter referred to aš elections") and referendums; and to ensure that elections and referendums would be hold adhering to the principles of democratic elections, enshrined in the Constitution and laws of the Republic of Lithuania; 2) in the manner and forms prescribed by law, to control financing of political, political campaigns. Committees work consolidates its Constitutional purpose, principais of its organization and competence. Harmonization of election laws enables the implementation of all these features. Thus, while analyzing Central Electoral Committee it iš import to point: 1. The Committee iš enshrined in the Constitution; 2. Constitutional Court made a conclusion- that the - Committee iš main and universal in that point of view, that it can not be negated by "specialized" Presidential Electoral Committee, which was founded in 1993 for one purpose- to organize Elections Of the President. When discharging its functions and making decisions on issues within its competence, the Central Electoral Committee iš independent. No institution officer or may issue mandatory instructions regarding the making of the decision that iš within the competence of the Central Electoral Committee.
Different shortcomings have been attributed to both legislators (the people & the parliament) in all countries & at all times. The key shortcoming of the people as a legislator is its unability to duly solve state-level issues: the totality of citizens can easily be misled, they lack knowledge or competence on specific issues, their decisions are based on stereotypes etc. Another limitation of people is related to the possibility that anonymity of its decisions can provoke cruelty & intolerance. Despite logical validity of the above-mentioned shortcomings their practical correctness is not proven. Falseness is also not proven as the only existing example of a frequent people's participation in legislation (Switzerland) among other things proving the falseness of the above-mentioned reproaches could hardly serve as a basis for generalization. To the disadvantage of people as a legislator, a procedural argument is presented: during a referendum it is not possible to adopt a maximum best & balanced law as in every case there is a choice "either... or." There is a vote en bloc & no editorial (even most rational) amendments are possible. Besides, the legislation that involves a referendum is related to huge costs. The people's participation in legislation is beneficial because it ensures a higher legitimacy of the decisions & brings people closer to the ruling elite (thus the gap between what citizens expect from the administration & what they receive from the administration is minimized), moreover, this guarantees every citizen's right to participate in tackling his/her affairs. There is one case where the laws adopted by the people have all the strengths of the laws adopted by the parliament & the people, & avoid almost all the failings. These are ratification referenda where the parliament-approved draft laws are adopted (or rejected). The people are only a nominal legislator in Lithuania. The recent practice proves that currently the requirements for holding a referendum make it impossible to pass laws in referenda. This conclusion is confirmed by the fact that the requirements for initiating a referendum are practically impossible to meet: so far nobody has managed to collect 300.000 signatures required to initiate a referendum, ie., 12 percent of the citizens of the Republic of Lithuania who have the right to vote. Consequently, the Seimas is de facto the only legislator in Lithuania. The Parliament as a lawmaker also has some weaknesses. First parliament members, unlike the people, are more prone to bribing or may be subject to some other personal impact. On the other hand, in contemporary electoral system, the parliamentarians who seek to stay in office pander both certain social or territorial groups of the electorate by adopting laws beneficial to them. The people as the whole is not the only popular actor in the legislative process. Individual citizens & their groups have certain powers as well. Yet they are not legislators as such, but rather merely participants of the legislative process. As compared to foreign practice, in Lithuania the conditions & procedure exercising citizens' legislative initiative (50.000 signatures required) are subject to relatively liberal regulation. Unlike in many countries of Europe, there are no direct restrictions on exercising this initiative. There are two indirect restrictions: 1) a draft law on the state budget of the Republic of Lithuania can only be prepared & submitted to the Seimas by the Government, 2) draft laws on ratification & denouncing international treaties are submitted by the President. In practice, however, citizens' legislative initiatives are related to politicians' rather than citizens' initiatives. Citizens' legislative initiative most often is used not to promote the idea of lawmaking but to use citizens' signatures for exerting political pressure on the Seimas ruling majority by opposition & communicating a certain message to the electorate. Out of seven initiatives, one brought some results. Exercising the right of petition at the Seimas is in fact an indirect legislative initiative. It diminishes the significance of the Constitutional right of 50.000 citizens' initiative. This right does not make any practical influence: so far only two laws have been passed on the basis of the problems addressed in petitions. Adapted from the source document.
